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25 October 2025

NORTHERN UGANDA, NRM AND MUSEVENI THIS ELECTION CIRCLE

By the time you read this piece, National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, would have wound up his first phase of campaign in northern Uganda as seen with a sea of supporters at his main public rallies sending the tongues of critics wagging in awe. As an election pitch, the NRM and its lead candidate, call him the torch-bearer, Yoweri Museveni themed “Protecting the gains” as the mantra, because each Ugandan has something, however little, to protect. It is an appropriate pitch seeing the distance so far, and many things, small and big achieved. To the small families herding cows, goats and sheep in Karamoja, the ability to settle down for the first time in life-history, is a huge personal satisfaction that opens many doors. Having a piece of cloth on one’s back, seeing children in school and not scavenging the streets, railway stations, and no menacing gun-totters on the rampage is huge. For the neighbours of Karamoja, having gone through the past three straight years without any violent cattle raids, both during day and night, leaving destructions behind the trail, is additional plusses, to NRM and Museveni. The constant and persistent loud call by candidate Museveni, for every family, home and persons to focus on mobilising for wealth creation, poverty eradication and socio-economic transformation is falling on ears ready to listen. And Museveni is chatting for broad national unity and reconciliation, but with socially balanced justice. Reconciliation without equitable justice is pretence and, therefore, hollow. back-of-beyond place, that suffered two decades of war, and before it, circles of state-inspired ethic retributions. The northern bitterness boiled, spilled and Museveni has gradually and patiently cooled it down. So, the rest, Mugisha Muntu (ANT), Mubarak Munyagwa, Robert Kyagulanyi (NUP) and Nathan Nandala Mafabi (FDC) maybe listened to when they go to the north, but only for being busybodies lambasting NRM and Museveni for allegedly overstaying beyond the welcome. From their respective election campaign trail, Museveni is the main problem. They make it appear as once Museveni the individual is removed from office, overnight, Uganda will become a lovely paradise without a focused national mindset change. In fact, Ugandans should see of as a political swindle. As an example, each time, Kyagulanyi tries his mouth at policy issues like mineral and oil weal, he has ended up more in failure, or misspeaking, than being coherent. Clearly, Kyagulanyi comes off as a man who is not ready or has no capacity to understand the laws governing many sectors in Uganda. Apologies, I actually don’t know why I even typed his names. In the crucible of Uganda’s politics, and elections in particular, no party pitches better than NRM. President and candidate Museveni, has been, and remains the strong torch-bearer of our current unquestioned patriotism, guardian of peace as well socio-economic transformation. Museveni’s public rallies have been well-attended, NRM mobilizers must now occupy the ground until polling day.

BY OFWONO OPONDO
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22 October 2025

WEST NILE REGION: PRESIDENT MUSEVENI'S MESSAGE FOCUSED ON CONSOLIDATING PEACE, PROMOTING WEALTH CREATION AND DEVELOPMENT

The trail in West Nile led him to Koboko, Zombo, Madi Okollo, Arua City, Maracha, Pakwach, Adjumani, Nebbi, Moyo, Obongi, Yumbe and Terego. During his speeches, the president underscored his administration's deliberate effort to bring the right ideology that changed the country. He for example said he had been part of the past governments and realised there was sectarianism and this meant they couldn’t form a national army or national party. According to Museveni, with these mistakes by earlier government, he became part of the student movements and when NRM took power, they did away with sectarianism of tribe, religion and looking down upon women. He said this meant that a national army could be formed with recruits from all parts of the country without segregation, a factor he said ensured that the boundaries of Uganda are protected. To him, this created lasting peace that Uganda is enjoying for the first time in the last 500 years. He cited examples of majority of people of West Nile who had previously run into exile in neighbouring countries like Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan who are now back home . According to Museveni, peace didn’t come by mistake but rather by deliberate efforts by the NRM. He also noted that because of deliberate efforts, NRM can win an election in the first round without a re-run, noting that this is so because the party did away with sectarianism of tribes and religion to ensure it build massive support around the country. President Museveni gave examples of past political parties like Kabaka Yekka, UPC, DP and others which he said had either been build on tribal or religious lines which meant they couldn’t raise even 40% of the vote since no religion or tribe has that number of followers. To this, he said the NRM thought different and this has contributed to peace. Peace Leading to Development During his rallies, Museveni told thousands of supporters that peace ensured government can now focus on developing the country, citing major road works, electricity expansion, and improved telecommunication in the West Nile as catalysts for regional growth. He emphasized that the West Nile which was previously a volatile region is now stable and leading the country’s development and trade with neighbours like DRC and South Sudan where Ugandans previously ran into exile. He praised the region's progress, attributing it to the government's consistent stance against wrongdoing and commitment to doing what is right. With the West Nile now connected onto the national grid, the president said development in the area will be spurred and everyone will benefit. Promoting Wealth Creation Wealth creation was a central theme of Museveni's campaign, focusing on household income and economic empowerment. He promoted the Parish Development Model (PDM), designed to lift households into the money economy, and encouraged commercial agriculture, suggesting alternatives like fruit farming and fish farming to boost income. He said that with the shs1 million each households receives as part of PDM, they can use it to invest in agriculture in form of goat rearing, chicken rearing or any other venture and get profits. Museveni emphasised that while many talk about development, one can get out of poverty without having development infrastructure like tarmacked roads. He told the gatherings that tarmac roads don’t fight poverty but engaging in wealth creation does, giving examples of cattle keepers in Ankole who listened to this message and are now well-off. According to Museveni, many of these are over 90km away from tarmac and don’t have electricity at their farms but installed solar power and are making money. He said that wealth creation should be at the forefront and others can come later. While progress has been made, challenges persist. Museveni acknowledged internal conflicts and urged attention to these issues. The President also emphasized the importance of reconciliation and non-retaliation, especially in post-conflict regions like West Nile. President Museveni's message in West Nile Region reflects the NRM's commitment to consolidating peace, promoting wealth creation, and driving development. With a focus on economic infrastructure, social services, and addressing key issues, the President has resonated with many in the region. As Uganda moves forward, it remains to be seen whether the NRM's message will continue to inspire progress and prosperity The Writer Works with Uganda Media Centre

By Catherine Namuddu
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19 October 2025

THANK YOU, BBC, FOR TELLING UGANDANS ABOUT UGANDA

Once again, we are indebted to our friends at the BBC this time from Nairobi for reminding Ugandans what is really happening in Uganda. Without their investigative binoculars peering across the border, how else would we have known that our soldiers wear uniforms, that our President leads, and that our country has enjoyed uninterrupted peace for nearly four decades? According to the latest revelation, Uganda is apparently ruled by a “shadow army.” A terrifying phrase, no doubt — except for the small inconvenience that this so-called “shadow army” also guards our borders, airports, oil fields, and the same journalists who write these alarming exposés. The BBC calls it “a private army.” We call it security. They call it “an iron grip.” We call it stability. But who are we to argue with foreign experts who know our country better than we do from 600 kilometers away? Let’s be fair. In a continent where power often changes hands through coups, conflicts, or hashtags, Uganda’s greatest crime is consistency. The same leadership that ended decades of chaos now stands accused of leading for too long as though peace had an expiry date. Perhaps next time we should schedule a civil war every fifteen years to please the analysts. And about the President’s family: yes, they serve in government. So do many families around the world the Kennedys, the Trudeaus, the Bushes. When it’s in America or Canada, it’s called “dynastic legacy.” When it’s in Uganda, it’s “family capture.” Maybe the only difference is the accent. Then comes the favourite Western chorus: “militarisation.” One wonders what they expect soldiers to do — open flower shops? The Special Forces Command, they say, is “too loyal.” Indeed. Uganda’s biggest problem, it seems, is that our soldiers love their country too much. Still, we must appreciate the commitment of these journalists who fly in to rescue us from our ignorance. They arrive with pens trembling with concern, explain our politics to us, and return to their safe hotel breakfasts to file their “urgent” stories about the apocalypse that never comes. Thank you, dear correspondents, for caring so deeply about our democracy that you forget to ask Ugandans what they actually think. So yes, our nation has its challenges. But it also has peace, order, and growth things that don’t make sensational headlines. While others chase clicks, Uganda continues to chase progress. And if that steady hand on the wheel is what the BBC calls an “iron grip,” then by all means, tighten it. Because if this is dictatorship, then we kindly request five more decades of it preferably with better roads.

ANKUNDA PEACE

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18 October 2025

NUP'S APPETITE FOR IPOD CASH

Ideologically depraved Robert Kyagulanyi, sly Louis Rubongoya and the clutter of the National Unity Platform (NUP)party who apparently learnt nothing useful from the former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) on its way to eventual demise, partly over soft money. This week's U-turn by Bob, the political entrepreneur, and his accomplices in NUP, writing to join the Inter-party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD), mostly for money, is a classic lesson in political coup de theatre where stupidity gets a rendezvous with the National Resistance Movement (NRM) brinkmanship. It is necessary that Donald Trump back, and rolling down US international support, those who fund NUP, from outside Uganda, too have got squeezed and NUP did not see this coming. The back story, years back, FDC under Kizza Besigye, walked away from IPOD, an outfit to help political parties in parliament have structured and constructive engagement with one another away from the rough rumble and tumble of antagonistic politics. Besigye rejected any efforts to meet with President Yoweri Museveni for any engagement in their intractable disagreements that had nearly paralysed Uganda' politics, insisting that the only agenda should be Museveni's ouster from office. Doing Besigye and FDC's bid in belligerence, was Nathan Nandala Mafabi, who many may recall reported in the media driving to State House Entebbe only to switch off his phone midway, because he had been instructed not to meet Museveni and other IPOD members already at the venue. FDC maintained that stance until 2021, when the chips began to fall and there has been so little effort at recovery. Many are hearing nails being banged into the FDC coffin in their backyard, although its new leaders; Patrick Oboi Amuriat and Nandala say they are for constructive engagement with NRM or more appropriately, Museveni. FDC leaders were so wrong, on so many fronts, in false self-assumed importance, hoping they could take Ugandans for a ride endlessly in spite of being forewarned that the end of time was approaching. Enough became enough and Besigye got to the end of his hole. And surely, with the NRM, its abrasive opponents often get what they ask for. Now, NUP, indeed Bob is replaying the discredited old order politics, unable to read the audience. Apparently because he has been the first stage singer in Uganda to get up into mainstream and is there four years now, Bob is his own cloud. Bob is like the child laughing at their own silly jokes. He has been about many constituencies dictating who should or should not be elected in the next parliament more like Besigye tried to do with so dismal success even in his heydays. NUP like FDC has built its support base on a web of well-calculated and choreographed falsehoods, public sympathy from state arbitrary actions and high-handedness and as well as some genuine socio-economic grievances. Bob the far-less informed underdog falsely claims to be an authentic voice who should be trusted to deliver the so-called 'change' Ugandans desire, but he is wrong on many counts and will be ensnared in his own falsehoods. With a tirade of tribal-laden hate mongering, incitement, fascist outlook, and blanket branding whoever disagrees with him a traitor, each time he bleats at his campaign rallies, Bob does not seem to understand that he becomes unpleasant and unattractive to most Ugandans and voters. Looking at the NRM large wagon firmly on a new trajectory of Richard Todwong, Anita Among and Dennis Hamson Obua axis, leading presidential candidate Museveni's election campaign trail and vibe in northern Uganda that has come full-cirle, many do not see how and where Bob could hide this time round. It seems to me, that the energy of the youthful people is genuine countrywide, backed by the many solid, broad achievements of the NRM across Uganda.

BY OFWONO OPONDO
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17 October 2025

UGANDA WILL NEVER TAKE SECURITY LECTURES FROM BBC

The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) produced a wayward article written by Wycliffe Muia and titled, “Uganda’s Special Forces Command: The elite unit with a license to kill”, in their recent publication. This is not an exposé, but it is a relic of the colonial imagination, written with the same imperial arrogance that once justified the occupation of African lands. Beneath its sensationalism lies a familiar condescension; the belief that African nations cannot be trusted with power, professionalism, creativity, or sovereignty unless supervised by their former masters. The piece is not journalism; it is a moral judgment — a sermon from those who still believe that Africans are primitive, unpatriotic, and incapable of protecting their own citizens unless they follow the example of the Western world. Flawed premise built on colonial assumptions At the heart of the BBC’s argument is an astonishing idea that Uganda’s possession of a highly trained, protective military unit is somehow sinister. That premise would be laughable if it were not so offensive. Every serious nation maintains an elite military unit. Britain has the SAS and SBS; the United States has Delta Force and the Navy SEALs; France has the GIGN; and Israel has Sayeret Matkal. Why, then, is Uganda’s Special Forces Command (SFC) treated as an anomaly? The answer is simple, though uncomfortable: the BBC still struggles to accept the emergence of a confident and capable African nation defining its own security priorities without seeking approval from former imperial powers. Uganda is not a colony to be examined, managed, or “secured” by outsiders. It is a sovereign republic whose Constitution entrusts the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), including the SFC, with the duty of protecting national sovereignty and ensuring regional stability. Facts the BBC refused to tell The BBC’s narrative conveniently ignores the SFC’s proven history of discipline, courage, and regional leadership. Far from being a “private army,” the SFC operates as an integral component of the UPDF, constitutionally empowered to execute counter-terrorism missions, special operations, and the protection of key national leaders' duties identical to those performed by elite forces worldwide. Consider just a few examples: In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)underOperation Shujaa, the SFC, working alongside the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC), successfully weakened the ADF/ISCAP terrorist network responsible for massacres in eastern Congo. This mission was formally requested by the DRC government; it was an international counter-terrorism effort, not an act of intrusion. In Somaliafor nearly two decades, Ugandan forces, often spearheaded by SFC units, have held the frontlines of the African Union Mission (AMISOM, now ATMIS) against Al-Shabaab. Many of these brave soldiers made the ultimate sacrifice, bringing stability to a region the world had long neglected. In South Sudanduring the crises of 2013 and 2016, Ugandan troops, including the SFC, evacuated thousands of civilians and secured vital infrastructure, preventing the total collapse of Juba. To this day, the UPDF remains in South Sudan, helping that fragile nation restore and maintain security. Regional Anti-LRA Operations The SFC took part in joint African Union missions that dismantled Joseph Kony’s terror network and rescued abducted women and children across the Central African Republic. These are the true stories of Uganda’s Special Forces Command; disciplined professionals advancing African security, not marauders haunting colonial imaginations. When Africa defends itself, it is called “militarization.” The BBC’s editorial framing reveals a persistent double standard:When Western powers project force across the globe, it is described as “counter-terrorism.”But when an African nation acts decisively to protect its citizens, it becomes “militarization.” This bias is not analytical; it is a historical echo from a time when Africans were expected to be defended, not to defend themselves. That mindset continues to shape much of the Western media’s perspective whenever an African government dares to act independently. Uganda, however, is no longer a pupil in the imperial classroom. We do not need the BBC’s moral instruction to understand how to protect our homeland. SFC: A Symbol of Sovereignty, Not Subservience The SFC’s existence is no secret. Its structure and mandate are public. Its men and women are well-trained, disciplined, and battle-tested. They stand as a symbol of the modern Ugandan state: confident, capable, and self-reliant. To reduce Uganda’s security institutions to caricatures of tyranny is to erase decades of national institution-building and sacrifice. It is also an insult to the families of soldiers who have died in Somalia, Congo, and elsewhere, not in pursuit of conquest, but in the service of peace. Uganda’s security forces are accountable to Ugandan law, Ugandan institutions, and the Ugandan people, not to the lingering nostalgia of colonial powers. A Call for Journalism Beyond Empire If the BBC wishes to remain relevant in Africa, it must abandon the posture of a colonial lecturer. True journalism requires context, balance, and humility, not the lazy reflex that assumes any African in uniform must be a villain. The world has moved on. The empire has fallen. Uganda has not only learned to stand on its own feet but has also helped other nations do the same. The Special Forces Command embodies that spirit of self-determination; a force forged in the real challenges of African security, not the fantasies of colonial nostalgia. It deserves respect, not vilification. Uganda will never apologize for defending itself and it will never again seek permission from former imperial rulers to stand tall as a sovereign African power. The writer is the Acting Executive Director, Uganda Media Centre.

BY OBED KATUREEBE
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16 October 2025

UGANDA’S 2026 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN: WHAT KEEPS MUSEVENI AHEAD OF HIS COMPETITORS

The campaign season is now in full swing, shaping up as a contest between continuity and various versions of “change.” As the media tries to give equal airtime to all candidates, naturally, some candidates dominate more than others. In this race, the headlines are primarily about the incumbent President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM), Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine, NUP), Maj. Gen. (Rtd.) Gregory Mugisha Muntu (ANT) and Nathan Nandala Mafabi (FDC) are the top four contenders. The candidates have taken different approaches, as we have observed. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s selling point is continuity of long-term projects, infrastructure, security, and a narrative of steady development. He has positioned himself as the guarantor of stability and of ongoing investments in roads, health facilities, and youth support programmes. On the other hand, Robert Kyagulanyi, a second-time presidential candidate, who appeals mainly to urban youth, relying on his music style rallies to draw crowds, bases his campaign on attacking and criticizing President Museveni and his government. The running battles with security were his best-selling point, and with none at play so far, it is steadily becoming an uphill task for Kyagulanyi to address his crowds. He is a populist and offers fewer programmatic details than established technocratic alternatives. President Yoweri Museveni’s political record remains unmatched. His supporters see him as a symbol of security and progress, as his opponents call for leadership change, offering themselves as alternatives. As the 2026 elections draw closer, it is clear that Museveni is still the leading presidential candidate despite the political malignment from his opponents. But what is Museveni’s trick to stay the people’s favorite? Museveni’s rallies have drawn large, enthusiastic crowds, demonstrating not just political support but also renewed faith in his vision for Uganda’s continued progress. At every stop, the President has reminded Ugandans that transformation begins with the individual through hard work, enterprise, and patriotism. His warmth and humor during these rallies show a leader still in touch with the people, even after his long service. At several rallies in rural districts, President Museveni has taken time to speak directly with farmers about their challenges, from livestock management to access to markets. In some cases, he has stepped off the podium to talk to individuals and offer practical advice. These exchanges show him as a hands-on leader who understands agriculture from the grassroots level. He often uses storytelling rooted in village life, peppered with humor and local idioms that resonate deeply with rural audiences. He has recalled childhood memories of cattle keeping and family discipline, which are simple yet powerful tales that remind supporters that he shares their cultural background and values. In recent rallies targeting young voters, Museveni has taken selfies with students, danced briefly to popular songs, and engaged in lighthearted conversations about innovation and employment. These moments humanize him and project the image of an elder statesman who respects and relates to the younger generation’s aspirations. At women’s gatherings, Museveni has personally handed over startup funds, sewing machines, and agricultural inputs. His interactions, often accompanied by words of encouragement and laughter, show a leader who values women as key partners in national development rather than as political footnotes. A recurring highlight in his rallies is Museveni’s deliberate choice to address people in their native languages. Whether speaking Runyankore, Luganda, or Luo, he adapts his tone and vocabulary to connect emotionally with each audience, reinforcing a sense of shared identity and national belonging. Unlike typical campaign speeches, some of his rallies include question-and-answer sessions where locals directly express concerns about roads, schools, or healthcare. His patient and detailed responses underscore his image as a listener and problem-solver rather than a distant politician. These moments collectively paint a picture of Museveni as a leader grounded in Ugandan culture and community life, whose strength lies in direct interaction rather than formal speeches alone. A central theme in Museveni’s campaign has been economic transformation through industrialization and modernization of agriculture. At rallies, he has cited success stories from dairy cooperatives in the west to new factories in central Uganda as evidence that the country’s economy is steadily shifting from subsistence to value addition. He continues to emphasize the importance of the Parish Development Model and youth enterprise funds, calling them vehicles that will lift millions out of poverty and build a self-sustaining economy. The high turnout of young people at his rallies shows their recognition of Museveni’s focus on youth empowerment. His message to the youth is that Uganda’s future depends on their creativity and discipline, and his government will provide the foundation they need to succeed. He has held several engagements with young entrepreneurs, encouraging them to take advantage of programs in ICT, innovation hubs, and vocational training. In an era of regional and global instability, Museveni’s contribution and message of the importance of peace have been consistent everywhere he has gone. He reminds citizens that Uganda’s security, unity, and steady economic growth are hard-won achievements that must be protected. His vision for transformation is not about short-term politics but about long-term national progress built on stability. His supporters speak not only of the President’s achievements but also of his enduring drive to see Uganda fully industrialized and self-reliant. Each rally has become a stage for celebrating how far the country has come and a rallying point for how much further it can go under a leader whose mission remains unfinished, hence the theme, ‘Protecting the Gains’. President Museveni’s message often expands beyond Uganda’s borders, emphasizing African unity and self-reliance. Domestically, he calls for harmony among Ugandans regardless of tribe, religion, or political affiliation. His campaigns stress that unity and patriotism are key to preserving the nation’s progress. President Museveni’s rallies have reawakened confidence in Uganda’s transformation journey. His vision for a modern, prosperous, and peaceful nation continues to inspire millions. Through his message of discipline, unity, and empowerment, Museveni stands as a symbol of continuity and progress — guiding Uganda toward a brighter future.  

By Carolyne Muyama
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16 October 2025

NUP, WHAT ACCOUNTS FOR YOUR REVERSAL TOWARDS IPOD?

In September 2021, the IPOD secretariat extended an invitation to two political parties, the National Unity Platform (NUP) and the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), both of which secured parliamentary seats, to join the organization as they initiated the drafting of a new Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that sought feedback from former members; following the expiration of the previous MoU. NUP chose not to join IPOD, as articulated in a written communication by David Lewis Rubongoya, the NUP Secretary-General, who explained that the platform had primarily been utilized to legitimize a repressive regime that shows little regard for democratic principles. Moreover, the regime exploits IPOD for its political advantage, deviating from its original purpose of enhancing Uganda’s multiparty democracy. Rubongoya further asserted that despite IPOD's decade-long existence, the democratic landscape in Uganda has deteriorated, worsening each year. He characterized the discussions within IPOD as mere gatherings for tea and photo opportunities, reflecting NUP's critical view of IPOD. A video exists featuring former NUP spokesperson Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro within the corridors of a television station, where he asserts that Gen. Museveni wished for NUP's involvement in IPOD activities in order to capture a photograph with Hon. Robert Kyagulanyi. Nevertheless, this scenario seems improbable, likely only materializing when Gen. Museveni relinquishes power to Kyagulanyi.

SARAH NANTEZA
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15 October 2025

PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’S CAMPAIGN TRAIL IN LANGO: A PUSH FOR WEALTH CREATION AND DEVELOPMENT

President Yoweri Museveni, the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) presidential flag bearer, recently concluded his campaign trail in Lango sub-region ahead of the 2026 general elections. As part of his trail in Lango, the president campaigned in Amolatar, Dokolo, Alebtong, Otuke, Apac, Kwania and Oyam districts as he reinforced NRM’s message of stability, development, and wealth creation. During his rallies, he emphasized the importance of a proper ideology that he said right from the 1960s, the NRM diagnosed the problems of the country and decided to do away with tribal and religious sectarianism. He explained to the masses that because of doing away with tribal and religious sectarianism, government has been able to build a strong army. “That’s why every district has a quota during the recruitment of the police and the army. We don’t look at tribe or religion. This way, we have been able to build a strong army which has maintained peace for the last 20 years. For the first time in 500 years, Uganda is at total peace,” he said. He reassured the people of Lango that the government is committed to maintaining peace and stability in the region, allowing them to focus on wealth creation and development. According to the president, with peace ushered in the country, other aspects like development and wealth creation can come in. He said government has been able to invest infrastructure in form of roads, health facilities , electricity and schools among others that benefit the population. He said despite having little funds in the past, government has been able to work on several road networks in the region, promising to improve on others, including the Lira-Kamdini road and the road connecting Ochero, Amolatar to Namasale, and Dokolo among others. The president also mentioned upgrading of several health centres in the various districts of Lango sub-region as one of the ways of improving health services. He told the masses that by having health centres near them, government aims to ensure easy access to health services. Wealth Creation During his campaign trail in Lango, the president emphasised that despite the development achieved, one thing which is lacking is wealth creation. He said whereas several programs like Bonna Bagaggawale, NAADS, Entandikwa , Operation Wealth Creation have been introduced, a sizeable number of population is still in subsistence production. Describing it as working for the stomach, the president said this means households only produce what to eat and cant contribute to the growing of the economy . He however said this has to stop, noting that the introduction of the Parish Development Model aims to ensure everyone joins the money economy. According to the president, with shs500 million sent to every parish, each households receives shs1 million that they can use to create wealth. Giving examples of successful individuals and households that have used the PDM cash to create wealth, the president said anyone can do it. He said the aim of government is to ensure everyone participates in wealth creation, noting that it is not like football where there are participants and spectators. The president said PDM is designed to provide financial support to households, enabling them to engage in commercial farming and entrepreneurship. The four-acre farming model, on the other hand, encourages farmers to allocate their land to different crops and livestock, promoting diversified agriculture and increased income. This way he said households can create wealth adding that even if there is no development in form of tarmacked roads, one can ably create wealth. The president also promoted fish farming as one of the avenues of creating wealth, noting that households near swamps can utilise them to grow fish for both home consumption and for sale and earn a lot of money out of the same. President Museveni told the people of Lango that fish farming is a lucrative alternative to traditional crops, highlighting the potential for increased income and food security. While the President’s campaign trail has been met with enthusiasm from some quarters, others have raised concerns about the lack of accountability and the need for more meaningful engagement with the local population. President Museveni’s campaign trail in Lango sub-region reflects the NRM’s commitment to wealth creation and development. While there are challenges to be addressed, the President’s emphasis on infrastructure development, agricultural growth, and peace and security has resonated with many in the region. As the country heads towards the 2026 general elections, it remains to be seen whether the NRM’s message will resonate with voters. The writer works with Uganda Media Centre

By Catherine Namuddu
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11 October 2025

BOBI WINE MISCALCULATED ON ABOLISHING PDM

During his campaign rallies in Luuka and Kaliro districts in the Busoga Sub-region, the National Unity Platform presidential flag bearer, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, stated that Ugandans do not need the Parish Development Model (PDM) cash, which he described as handouts. He promised that once voted into power, he would abolish the program. In February 2022, the Parish Development Model (PDM) was launched by H.E. the President of the Republic of Uganda as a multi-sectoral strategy for transforming subsistence households into the money economy. Under the PDM, the parish serves as the lowest administrative and operational hub for planning, budgeting, reporting, and delivering interventions to bring services closer to the people. So far, it has increased household food security, incomes, and the overall quality of life in communities across Uganda. Through his wise guidance, President Yoweri Museveni pioneered this money train of the PDM, targeting subsistence households that operate across the entire agricultural value chain. According to statistics, 41% of Ugandan households, about 17 million people are still in the subsistence economy. The majority of these represent the most poverty-stricken, landless, vulnerable, and unemployed Ugandans trapped in the vicious cycle of low income, low savings, low investment, and lack of assets. It is on this basis that the NRM government initiated the PDM program to ensure that people have money in their pockets, starting at the household level. To ensure that the wanainchi access services under the PDM, subsistence households were organised into common enterprise groups engaged in shared income-generating activities within their localities. The main purpose of organising these households is to ensure that a minimum package of services is delivered in a coordinated manner so that investments truly work for them. Under the current framework, each parish receives Shs 100 million annually to support 100 households with Shs 1 million each for income-generating activities. PDM, as a unifying economic transformation vehicle, targets a wide range of beneficiaries including women, youth, persons with disabilities, the elderly, enterprise groups, and subsistence households, among others. So far, PDM stands out as Uganda’s leading economic transformation program, reaching every parish across the country. For instance, Oyam District is among the best-performing districts under the program. The district received Shs 15.26 billion, all of which has been disbursed to 15,358 beneficiary households out of a total of 110,658 households engaged in various enterprises. Similarly, Luwero District received total funding of Shs 31,083,706,000, of which Shs 30,372,608,500 has already been loaned out. The remaining Shs 711,097,500 is yet to be disbursed. Beneficiaries like Harriet Nampa of Mukono District have testified about how starting small with PDM funds has helped them transition into the money economy. Given this impressive performance, it was astonishing to hear someone aspiring to lead Uganda, such as Bobi Wine, campaigning to abolish a program that is helping people join the money economy. For many Ugandans who have been exploited by moneylenders, PDM came as a rescue initiative. In many parts of the country, a moneylender gives out Shs 1 million and demands Shs 200,000 in monthly repayments, meaning by the end of the year, one pays back Shs 4.5 million. Under PDM, the government provides Shs 1 million, and after two years, the beneficiary returns only Shs 1.2 million in a revolving cycle. Each year, the parish receives Shs 100 million, ensuring a lasting impact. Unlike commercial bank loans that carry high interest rates, PDM funds are designed to give Ugandans time to grow their enterprises before repayment. Unless Bobi Wine is protecting the interests of moneylenders, his call to abolish PDM shows disregard for those striving to escape poverty and join the money economy. I strongly believe that Bobi Wine miscalculated when he proposed abolishing PDM, because its impact is visible and firmly rooted in communities. Yes, Uganda still needs more roads, electricity, schools, and hospitals, but development without wealth keeps people in poverty. Bobi Wine must understand that even if people do not have tarmac roads in their villages, they can still become rich. Wealth begins at the homestead, and fighting it is equivalent to condemning people to abject poverty. For him to make such a careless statement about Ugandans is a sign of an unserious leader who wants to destroy their livelihood. I am confident that, since many Ugandans have benefited from this program, they will respond to him at the ballot box and he will regret making such misguided statements.

SERUMAGA DAVID
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11 October 2025

PARTY PARLIAMENTARY TICKETS AND MEDARD SSEGONAS TEARY EYES

Democracy and freedom are said to be twins that have ways of settling scores with bravado. First it was NRM MPs Musa Francis Ecweru (Amuria), Theodore Ssekikubo (Lwemiyaga), Barnabas Tinkasimire (Buyaga West), Persis Namuganza, Emmanuel Otaala, and beeline of two hundred other sitting MPs who cried foul when they lost parliamentary party tickets after voters handed them a dust bin. And there was so much derision from NRM opponents claiming it could not deliver a satisfactory primary election to select flagbearers. The two hundred then convened a hasty joint media conference declaring their intentions to run as ‘independent’ candidates, but NRM ‘leaning’, to salvage their parliamentary status and perks in the 12th parliament. As time wore out, so has the rantings, and NRM unlike before, taking a stronger stance warning that whoever from its ranks who runs as an independent candidate could get dismissed from the party. That party threat, repeatedly issued mainly by Vice Chairperson Alhaji Moses Kigongo, and Secretary General Richard Todwong remains to be seen if it will hold. Now, NUP having ‘vetted’ its parliamentary candidates, and issued a public notice, has left many in tears, who having subjected themselves to the process, and unsuccessful, claim it was opaque, riddled with fraud and corruption where the tickets were alleged handed on either patronage or to the highest financial bidders. The most prominent among the losers, has been Medard Lubega Ssegona Kalyamaggwa (Busiro East) with continuous twenty years as MP and who publicly bills himself as the best in parliament and town, although many see him more as a social snob. Since being dumped by Robert Kyagulanyi, the party president, who he now described as not earlier being fit to eat at the same table, Segona has been all-over media crying foul with teary eyes wondering how, perhaps a low-grade local music singer, Mathias Walukagga could beat him in the party assessment interview. But as a timid soul with shaky legs, Segona is now only speaking in parables and idioms to avoid a direct confrontation with Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wibe from his earlier Music circles. And unmistakenly, the NUP “foot-soldiers” have turned their guns on Segona, making him their crude joke on most social media platforms. Alongside Segona, are Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West), former journalist Joyce Bagala and Mityana Woman MP, Alysious Mukasa Alysious (Lubaga North) and Nyeko Derrick (Makindye West), all rendered immobile and unable to mount any viable challenge. And like former Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LoP) Mathias Mpuuga of Nyendo-Mukungwe, of the newly formed Democratic Front, but more of a political stillbirth, they may now have to eat humble pies. Those so far discarded in the NUP’s short stint by Kyagulanyi like Segona, Mpuuga, Micheal Mabiike, Abed Bwanika, Bagaala, and as well Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda formerly of FDC, now the paragon of hyped Peoples Front for Freedom (PFF) seem to enjoy an over-blown sense of self political importance. Speaking to Norbert Mao-DP President General, and Nathan Nandala Mafabi, the FDC presidential candidate, one gets the sense of their relief at the turmoil their former members are currently going through in the quest to remain afloat. And it is quite hard to see how they dig themselves out of the ditch they have each found themselves in. From the NRM corner, we can see how open democracy is exposing the foul air of the political charlatans both within and from the outside. The best way should be not to narrow the political space but provide them with longer ropes with which to tighten their own noose.

BY OFWONO OPONDO
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10 October 2025

KYAGULANYI GO SLOW ON PDM, STUDY YOWERI MUSEVENI AND PROF. YUNUS MUHAMAD

While campaigning in the Luuka, Busoga subregion on the 1st of October 2025, NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi was quoted by most media channels castigating the Parish Development Model (PDM) as a policy of government targeting the over 33% of Ugandans that are still outside the money economy. In fact, he vowed to freeze the fund when he is elected president. Instead, in his view, he would put that money in the health and education sectors. One wonders what informed Kyagulanyi's wayward political statement. Is it because the program has been so successful, and therefore, he thinks it will give President Yoweri Museveni, his competitor, a mirage? Or was it a spur-of-the-moment statement made without much thought? Kyagulanyi should know by now that even if the government committed half of its annual budget to the education and health sectors to attain world-class standards, this alone would not shift the people of Uganda out of poverty. To help the people move away from a subsistence lifestyle, the government needs to create programs that give citizens financial support and practical guidance so they can start profitable businesses and earn a steady income. Uganda’s PDM policy is not cast in stone. Countries all over the world have pursued similar programs to shift their people to the wealth cluster, and the results are there for everyone to appreciate. Indeed, President Yoweri Museveni saw this much earlier. Even when he built schools, hospitals, and state-of-the-art roads, he knew so well that Ugandans needed to shift substantially from their subsistence lifestyles and move into the money economy. He therefore began socioeconomic programs aimed at changing their economic outlook. Even before PDM, there was Boona Bagagawale, Entandikwa, Operation Wealth Creation, and now Emyoga and Youth Livelihood, among others. The usual naysayers are quick to say that these programs were all in vain. However, they forget that it is through such deliberate programs that poverty in Uganda has been reduced to 16.1%, according to the National Household Survey 2023/2024. Museveni critics shouldn't forget that it is through such interventions that Uganda is currently the leading exporter of most cash crops in the region. Uganda is now the number one coffee exporter in Africa. We feed the region and the rest of the world with maize, milk, beans, cocoa, vanilla, sugarcane, etc. For one to fully appreciate the value of PDM, one must study Indonesia’s Prof. Muhammad Yunus and his microfinance support programs that turned around the Indonesian poor masses. Prof. Muhammad Yunus pioneered microfinance to give the unbanked rural poor, especially women, access to credit for self-employment and small businesses. The aim was to create bottom-up development where economic growth starts with the most marginalized. Born in Bangladesh on June 28, 1940, in the early 1970s, Yunus completed his PhD in economics at Vanderbilt University. Yunus returned to Bangladesh to become the head of Chittagong University's economics department. Around the time of Yunus' return to Bangladesh, a famine had swept through the country. He became aware that the poor needed access to capital to start small businesses and that banks generally weren't willing to help them, either refusing requests outright or charging extortionate interest rates. In 1976, Yunus decided to take action himself. He lent about $27 in total to 42 local women who needed money to buy materials for their work. Traditional banks refused to lend to people without collateral, but Yunus believed that even the poorest individuals could improve their lives and start small businesses through microcredit and microloans. In 1983, Yunus formally opened the Grameen (Village) bank, which served as a way to offer microcredit to entry-level and subsistence entrepreneurs. By June 2020, Grameen Bank had given $30.48 billion worth of loans to some of the world's poorest people. Perhaps more importantly, Yunus' scheme and his promotion of microcredit led to the formation of hundreds of similar projects in nations around the world. Similarly, introduced in 2022, PDM is Uganda’s flagship poverty eradication and wealth creation program. It targets the 39% of Ugandans who rely on a subsistence economy, aiming to help them join the money economy through parish-level Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations (SACCOs). The president’s call for everyone to join the money economy with 'ekibalo' is being realized. All the 10,594 parishes nationwide receive Shs 100 million each annually, directly credited to Parish SACCO accounts. PDM funding for Greater Kampala Metropolitan will rise to Shs. 300 million per parish, with special grants for people with disabilities, village leaders, and religious leaders. Finally, Kyagulanyi should pick a lesson from Yoweri Museveni and Prof. Yunus Muhammad. Uganda’s PDM emphasizes borrower responsibility and accountability and trains and supports local financial institutions (SACCOs) the way Grameen trained its staff. It also focuses on women's empowerment, not just equal distribution, and ensures sustainability by encouraging savings and reinvestment rather than over-reliance on government injection. The Writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

BY OBED KATUREEBE
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08 October 2025

UGANDA IS ALREADY BENEFITTING FROM SIGNIFICANTLY FROM THE OIL DISCOVERY

A significant number of Ugandans hold the view that the benefits of oil start with the extraction of the first barrel, primarily highlighting a reduction in fuel prices at gas stations. This perspective prompts the inquiry into the commencement of initial oil production, while overlooking the substantial gains already being realized from oil through various avenues such as infrastructure development, job creation, compensation funds, the corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives of licensed companies, scholarships for oil-related training, vocational training programs, and, ultimately, tax revenues. The discovery of oil has played a role in decreasing unemployment in the nation by offering job opportunities to a substantial number of Ugandans, both directly and indirectly, including those from local communities. Over 17,203 individuals are employed directly, with 89% being Ugandans and 5,273 coming from surrounding communities. Among these, 63% occupy management roles, 93% are engaged in technical positions, and 98% are involved in support functions. Furthermore, there are roughly 35,000 indirect jobs generated, along with about 100,000 induced jobs. The workforce comprises engineers, technicians, drivers, and cooks, among others. A maximum of 10,571 Ugandans has been employed by TotalEnergies Exploration and Production Uganda, along with its contractors, which accounts for 99.3% of the entire project workforce. Among these, a peak of 3,719 individuals (35%) are Ugandans hailing from the host communities located in the districts of Buliisa, Nwoya, Pakwach, Hoima, Masindi, and Kikuube. It is noteworthy that 16% of the Ugandan workforce consists of women. The construction of roads in the Bunyoro region has been initiated in response to the discovery of oil. Significant transportation routes for oil within the Albertine Graben have been developed, including the 54 km Masindi-Biiso Road in the Masindi district, the 111 km Hoima-Butiaba-Wanseko road linking the Hoima and Buliisa districts, the 93 km Buhimba-Nalweyo-Kakumiro-Mubende roads connecting Mubende to the Kibaale district, and the 80 km Masindi-Bugungu route that passes through Murchison Falls in the Masindi district, adjacent to Murchison Falls National Park. These roads are designed to facilitate oil production, which is expected to commence early next year, thereby enhancing the efficient movement of people and goods. This network encompasses approximately 700 km of paved roads that link the oil-producing region, which traverses ecologically sensitive areas, to the rest of the nation, thus improving overall trade and transportation. I had the privilege of traveling along these routes during a field excursion for media editors to the operational sites of oil and gas, specifically the Tilenga project in Buliisa and Nwoya, the Kingfisher oil field in Kikuube District, Kabalega International Airport in Hoima, and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP) in Kakumiro district. I was genuinely impressed by the development of the roads. In the realm of capacity building, over 14,000 individuals in Uganda have been trained and certified in various oil and gas sectors, such as Welding, Health, Safety, and Environment, Heavy Goods Vehicle operation, and Scaffolding, among others. Furthermore, 14 institutions across the country have established international certifications. Thirteen Ugandans have gained international experience by working with other TotalEnergies affiliates worldwide, including in the USA, Africa, Europe, and Asia. More than 1,600 Ugandans have received training and certification in a range of vocational skills, which include, but are not limited to, Heavy Goods Vehicle Driving, Scaffolding and Working at Heights, Coded Welding, Quality Control (QC) Inspection, Non-Destructive Testing (NDT), and HSE training. This is clearly reflected in the oil fields, where skilled Ugandans are employed in roles such as engineers, safety managers, and procurement officers, among others. A staff member from the Tilenga project shared insights about their training in France, noting that upon completion of the course, they return to Uganda, where they undergo a one-year probationary period before being confirmed in their positions. Finally, there has been notable growth in the number of Ugandan companies involved in oil projects, with over 240 Ugandan suppliers engaged by TotalEnergies EP Uganda at its peak. These companies are supplying both non-specialized goods and services, such as camp management, manpower provision, medical needs, training, and consultancy. Additionally, some are offering specialized goods and services, including engineering design, technical studies, and construction. A total of USD 31.3 million worth of goods and services have been procured from suppliers in host communities, which include fresh food, accommodation, construction materials, catering services, conference facilities, and small tools. Considering the advancements made thus far with the discovery of oil and the expected commencement in 2026, Uganda's potential for development through oil exploration is promising. The writer works with the Uganda Media Centre

SARAH NANTEZA
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