Opinions | MINISTRY OF ICT AND NATIONAL GUIDANCE

16 April 2026

MAKERERE UNIVERSITY’S PUBLIC LECTURE AND HIGH LEVEL ROUND TABLE DIALOGUE- ON HEALTH - INVESTING IN HEALTH FOR UGANDA’S FUTURE.

Delivering Vision 2040 through smart and sustainable Health Financing. Uganda is prioritizing human capital development as a foundation for economic transrmation under vision 2040 and the ten-fold growth strategy. At the same time, the health financing landscape is evolving, with increasing pressure on domestic resources and growing uncertainty around external financing. This public lecture was intended to provide a platform for national reflection on these challenges and identify practical pathways for strengthening sustainable health financing in Uganda. Makerere University’s School of Public Health [MakSPH] took the lead in organising this Public Lecture on Thursday 9th April 2026 at their auditorium. The engagement brought together the stake holders in Health, Academia, policy and government technocrats Health research constitutes more than 50% of all research at Makerere University. The School of Public Health and the Infectious Diseases Institute alone account for more than 40% of the University’s research income. Their combined research income exceeds the budgets of all other universities in Uganda as Prof. Barnabas Nawangwe put it at the round table. The impact of this investment is visible. The Infectious Diseases Institute supports the Ministry of Health in providing antiretroviral therapy to more than 20% of all patients in Uganda who require it. It operates in over 90 districts across the country. The combined research income from Makerere University is also one of the largest contributors to Uganda’s foreign exchange earnings. The University brings in more than one trillion shillings annually. Because of the specialized health programs developed at Makerere over the years, there has been a noticeable reduction in Ugandans seeking treatment abroad. Having set this background, the Vice Chancellor opened the floor for the public debate. But that was not before he quipped that Makerere’s medical school is ranked among the top in Africa and within the top 100 globally. “Investing in Health for Uganda’s Future—is not merely an academic proposition. It is a call to action. We must recognize Makerere as a research-led university with a special role—and not fund it like any other institution or department” The VC threw the gauntlet to the Permanent Secretary and Secretary to the Treasury who was the key note Speaker. The Context of this dialogue was set by the Deputy Secretary for Public Service and Secretary to the Cabinet Mrs Jane Mwesiga who gave the opening remarks. She noted that Uganda has made important progress in strengthening its health system over the past decade. Referring to a recent corroboration between the Ministry of Public Service and the Ministry of Health, she highlighted the Government investments in Health infrastructure, strengthened management of resources, Diagnostic capacity and improved primary health care as well as specialised services. These investments she said, had also supported improvements in the health workforce and service delivery across the country. She pointed out reforms in public financial management having strengthened the management of health sector resources. She alluded to the introduction of programme-based budgeting and results-based financing approaches which had brought about efficiency, transparency and accountability in the use of public funds. Other notable improvements she pointed to were in availability and distribution of essential medicines and supplies. Stronger procurement planning, better coordination with National Medical Stores and more consistent delivery cycles which have reduced stock-outs in many facilities. She highlighted programs that were previously vertical e.g. HIV, TB, Malaria, Maternal and Child health as continuously being integrated into broader primary health care systems. This, she noted, allowed patients to access multiple services in one visit – improving efficiency, reducing missed opportunities and lowering house-hold costs. The downside, the research highlighted, was high demand with low functionality. Some new build facilities are under utilized due to unreliable water and electricity supply. Others are operating below capacity due to understaffing – placing a strain on the limited staff and systems. There were further issues of weak supervision, limited Specialist services and medical personnel’s dual practice during official hours. As a result, there are persistent negative perceptions of public health facilities because of a diminished public value. The public value, the Deputy Head of Public Service noted, was not so much about the construction of new facilities but rather realised only when a mother delivers safely, a child is immunised on time, a patient receives effective care and communities trust and use the health care service. The PSST, Mr Ramathan Ggoobi said that Uganda’s future and its ambitious ten-fold growth would be decided by the investments made in the health and human capital of Ugandans. He stated that health was an imperative, not a social afterthought. He referred to health as an economic transformation and productivity issue as well as a national competitiveness matter. No country, he noted had achieved sustained structural transformation without sustained investment in human capital. Globally, human capital accounts for nearly 70% of national wealth. The PSST said that he treats health spending as investment, not consumption. Every shilling he said, must buy measurable economic and social returns. He expressed concern that Uganda remains largely dependent on external financing for health at the ratio of 40:45% of total health expenditure. The most recent figures show Government at 22%, Development partners at 42%, Households at 31% and Insurance at 05%. This dependency creates structural vulnerability as global aid has become more uncertain. Uganda’s total resource envelope for FY25/26 is Shs 72.38 trillion with Health getting a slice of Shs 5.87 trillion within a broader Human Capital development allocation of Shs 11.44 trillion. Per capita government health spending has more than doubled over the past decade and government spending rose from Shs 2.8 trillion in FY2020/21 to 4.4 trillion in FY2025/26. Yet per capita health spending remains just USD 50 annually – below the USD 112 often cited as a lower-middle income baseline for basic services. In conclusion, the PSST suggested three interconnected priorities that must shape policy for Uganda. First, increase and protect domestic financing for health. Government will progressively increase domestic health allocations and protect them from in-year cuts and cash flow disruptions. Second, mobilise innovative long-term domestic finance -leveraging institutional investors, the retirement benefits sector which manages Shs 30 trillion already. The third one the PSST suggested was efficiency drive and value for money. With continuous reforms he said, additional resources must buy better outcomes. Noteworthy positive highlights - Uganda has attained the criteria for moving out of Least Developed Countries [LDCs]. Ugandans are wealthier and more inclusive. Income poverty is down to 16%, substance down to 33% and the Gini index has reduced to 38% from 45% in 2002. Remittances from Ugandans living and working abroad has reached USD 1.6 billion in FY 2024/25. There is increased trust in Uganda’s economy. Last year, foreigners brought in over USD 5.4 billion despite the fact it was an election year. These are results of policy choices. Future out look remains sunny as opposed to cloudy, if I may borough a typical Englishman’s metaphor. The writer is Head of Communications & Media Relations at Uganda Media Centre. @Dennis_Katungi

By Dennis Katungi

11 April 2026

THE MENACE OF ROAMING HERDSMEN AND THE NEED FOR FIRM POLICIES TO END IT

President Yoweri Museveni recently sent the untiring Director General of Internal Security Organisation (ISO), Arthur Mugyenyi, to sort out the long-standing land dispute between private tree planters and cattle herders in Nsoowe Central Forest Reserve, in Maddu Sub County, Gomba District. It is alleged that there has been an avalanche of marauding herdsmen (balaalo), who have invaded the forest reserve, and clashed with legitimate leaseholders who got leases from the National Forest Authority (NFA) to plant trees and in due course recover the depleting forest cover that Uganda badly needs. Initially, there were only 175 legitimately accepted families that have peacefully lived in that forest reserve, minus causing any harm for ages. President Museveni was spot-on to pick Mr. Mugyenyi for this task. A very seasoned intelligence chief, largely known to be incorruptible, but more importantly is his thoroughness and resoluteness. Without a doubt, Mugyenyi will sort out the Nsoowe issue professionally—but for how long. The new invaders are largely the marauding herdsmen, who were chased from Tanzania in 2013. Some settled in Sango Bay Estate land; which is government land located in Kyotera District. Sango Bay was recently leased BIDCO Uganda Limited, for extensive palm tree growing. Primitive nomadic herdsmen are becoming a problem in Uganda. Not so long ago, they were becoming a political problem in northern Uganda. This was until the president gave executive orders for them to be removed forcefully by the UPDF and Uganda Police. The eviction process is still on going for some who keep running from one corner to the other in an attempt to dodge forceful eviction. The same marauding herdsmen were sometime back evicted in Teso sub region, after politicians loudly complained to government. In 2010 the same herdsmen were evicted from a government in Bulisa District, as oil drilling began to take shape. As they get evicted from one place or the other, they have chosen to invade government lands, especially forests and wetlands. In all these forms of indiscipline, these stubborn herdsmen have continually tarnished the name of the president. He is continually accused of not reigning in these stubborn, roaming herdsmen. Which is not true. On the contrary, President Museveni has all his life discouraged nomadism and preached about settled, modern farming. What is even more annoying is the fact that these are not poor people that lack financial capacity to own land to settle on. One can’t own cows in the hundreds and then fail to have a chunk of land to live on and practice modern farming. Like President Museveni has written in one of the missives on the issue of roaming herdsmen. He talked about how he initiated the restructuring of the Mbarara-Masaka ranches in the late 1990s and gave thousands of landless herdsmen chunks of land. Majority of them sold the acquired pieces of land and went to Tanzania to graze in open free lands, until they were chased back to Uganda and now are a problem. Uganda’s forest cover is rapidly depleting, with an estimated loss of over 122,000 to 200,000 hectares annually, largely driven by encroachment for subsistence agriculture, charcoal production and urban expansion. Encroachers, including illegal settlers and loggers, threaten both private and protected forestland, with shifting agriculture responsible for nearly 94% of this loss. As a country we need a firm policy decision on roaming herdsmen. Foremost, these herdsmen need serious engagement on mindset change. Uganda is not growing in size. To the contrary, it is growing in numbers. The population is surging every passing year. Therefore, these people must be told to live a settled life and engage in productive life on small pieces of land. We need serious deterring laws that will make nomadism and illegal movement of people and animals very punitive. Handling these roaming encroachers to the wetlands and forest reserves with kid gloves will not help. They are stubbornly refusing to embrace settled lifestyle, where they can practice modern farming on small chunks of land, because they can be tolerated on some government land or communities that still have vast chunks of land that is inhabited. As practice has shown, even those communities that still have chunks of land inhabited, they don’t tolerate roaming herdsmen in their communities, because they bring on board behaviors that are culturally alien. Besides, they tend to guard their ancestral lands so jealously, to a point of wanting to shed blood for it. That is why they have become a political issue in northern Uganda. We need to design strong land policies aimed at ending nomadism, particularly in Uganda, focus on transitioning pastoralists from communal, migratory grazing to settled, sedentary farming or commercial ranching. These initiatives should include registering land under freehold or leasehold tenure, to replace customary systems, establishing grazing reserves and enacting, such as presidential executive orders banning free-range livestock. Like President Museveni once referred to drunkards as not only being a danger to themselves, but a danger to society as well. Roaming herdsmen are not only a danger to themselves; they are a hazard to the environment and the organized communities that live in settled lifestyles practicing modern farming methods. The writer works with Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

08 April 2026

UGANDA’S CAUTIOUS OIL JOURNEY FINALLY DELIVERS TRUE DIVIDENDS

Uganda’s oil story is often told as one of delay. But a more accurate interpretation is that it is a story of deliberate caution, moving slowly, negotiating carefully and building capacity before pumping the first barrel. Two decades after the first major discovery in the Albertine Graben, that caution is beginning to pay off. When commercially viable oil deposits were confirmed in 2006 around Lake Albert, expectations were immediate. Many resource-rich countries rush from discovery to production, driven by political pressure and the lure of quick revenues. Uganda did the opposite. It paused, it studied. It negotiated. In doing so, it charted a longer, more controlled path. This cautious approach was shaped by lessons from elsewhere. Across Africa, oil discoveries have often produced what economists call the “resource curse” where countries experience corruption, conflict and economic distortion instead of broad-based prosperity. Nigeria is often cited as the textbook case. Since oil was discovered in the 1950s, it became the dominant source of revenue fueling corruption and patronage politics. President Kaguta Museveni signaled early that oil would not be rushed at the expense of national interest. Instead, the emphasis was placed on institutional building, legal frameworks and long-term value. One of the most important early decisions was to strengthen governance before production. Uganda established key institutions like the Petroleum Authority and Uganda National Oil Company ensuring that the State has regulatory, oversight and commercial participation in the sector. This has allowed Uganda not to just host oil companies but negotiate with them from a position of competence. Equally significant was Uganda’s insistence on maximizing value addition. Rather than exporting crude oil, Uganda is building a refinery and pipeline infrastructure that is nearing completion that would unlock export markets while preserving domestic supply options. The development of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), a 1,400+ km heated pipeline to the Tanzanian Port of Tanga was not just an engineering decision but a strategic one aimed at securing long-term export viability. This long gestation period, however, wasn’t without criticism. For long, Uganda faced questions: why is oil not flowing? Why the repeated shift in timelines? Indeed, Uganda has revised its “first oil” target multiple times, most recently pushing it to 2026 after early projections of 2025. This reflects the complexity of doing oil ‘right’. Uganda has not just been drilling wells, it was building the entire eco-system including production facilities, export pipelines, industrial parks, environmental safeguards and local workforce capacity. Today, major projects such as Tilenga, Kingfisher and East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) have reached advanced stages with thousands of Ugandans employed and billions of dollars invested in infrastructure. The scale of what Uganda has built before first oil is remarkable. We expect peak production of about 230,000 barrels per day supported by hundreds of wells and multiple processing facilities. More importantly, Uganda has embedded local participation into the sector with Ugandan firms securing billions in contracts with local professionals making up a significant share of the workforce in key projects. Today, the payoff caution is becoming visible with Uganda entering production with strong negotiating power. Unlike countries that signed unfavorable agreements in a rush to extract, Uganda spent years renegotiating contracts, aligning fiscal regimes and ensuring that government revenues are protected. The result is a framework that promises over $1billion annually in revenue once production stabilizes. This gives Uganda an opportunity to reinvest the funds into other sectors like education, industrialization and infrastructure development. Uganda’s share of oil revenues is estimated at up to 75% + over the life of the projects including taxes, royalties and profit oil under Production Sharing Agreements (PSAs) standing in the same league as Norway and Indonesia with the State retaining ownership of the oil. Secondly, Uganda has prioritized national content. By deliberately slowing down, Uganda created space to train engineers, welders, environmental specialists and project managers. Today local participation is not symbolic, but structural. In some project sites, over 70% of technical staff are Ugandans, a remarkable shift from the early days of oil exploration. Uganda’s integrated approach by linking upstream production, midstream transport and downstream refining positions her to capture more value across the entire oil chain. This is a stark contrast to the traditional model where African countries export crude oil and import refined products at higher costs. Uganda has been widely recognized for having a relatively strong and structured environmental impact assessment framework in the oil sector and stands out among the first countries in Africa to conduct a strategic environmental assessment (SEA) for oil and gas in the Albertine Graben. All the processes are aligned with international best practices involving independent reviewers. As of 2026, the overall status of compensation/resettlement of project affected persons (PAPs) across major oil projects is largely complete. 13,000 Ugandans were affected by the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and compensation stands at a remarkable 98% completion. As Uganda approaches first oil projected for mid-2026, the results for this long journey are becoming tangible. Wells have been drilled, pipelines are nearing completion and industrial infrastructure is taking shape. Uganda is no longer preparing for oil, its on the verge of producing it. In many ways, Uganda’s experience offers a counter narrative to the typical extractive model. It suggests that for late entrants into the oil economy, time can be an asset rather than a liability. By delaying production, Uganda has been able to learn from others, negotiate better deals and build domestic capacity. The real test however lies ahead. Oil revenues must be managed prudently to avoid macroeconomic shocks, corruption and overdependence. The institutions built during the cautious phase will now be tested under pressure of actual money flow. But if the passed two decades are any indication, Uganda has laid a strong foundation. Our oil journey has not been fast but rather deliberate and in a sector where haste often leads to regret, patience has been our greatest advantage. In the end, Uganda’s oil story is not about barrels and pipelines. It’s about strategy, restraint and the belief that natural resources, when managed carefully can be a blessing rather than a curse.

By Emma Were Belinda

07 April 2026

UGANDA HAS A GREAT STORY. IT’S TIME WE TOLD IT

During the COVID-19 pandemic, when the world was groping in the dark for answers, I watched President Yoweri Museveni’s national addresses religiously. I was in London, working at the BBC, watching one of the wealthiest nations on earth struggle to make sense of what was unfolding. Despite allocating nearly 15% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to fighting the pandemic, the UK was reporting hundreds of deaths every day. Sometimes thousands. Ambulances became a constant on my street — I stopped counting after a while. And when lockdown finally eased, many of the elderly neighbours I used to pass on their evening walks were simply gone. The ones with the dogs. The ones who always nodded hello. They had died quietly, in one of the most resourced countries in the world, and life had moved on almost as if they hadn’t existed. It did not make sense to me. And frankly, if this was happening there, I feared for Uganda. Then President Museveni spoke. He said he was going back to what he knew — the methods that had served the National Resistance Army during the bush war. To accurately assess an adversary, you stop, you observe and only then do you act. You let the picture become clear before you commit. Something clicked for me in that moment. Here was a leader reaching into unconventional, hard-won experience to navigate a crisis that had already humbled far more sophisticated systems. I became convinced, from that point, that Uganda had a more grounded handle on what this pandemic actually required. The numbers, as it turned out, supported that feeling. Uganda confirmed its first COVID-19 case in March 2020 and its first death — a 34-year-old woman — on July 23, 2020. By late September, 75 deaths. Just over 8,000 cases. Even by the end of that year, total fatalities were still in the low hundreds. In England and Wales alone, official figures from March to early May put deaths at around 47,000. Some estimates placed the UK’s first-wave toll above 50,000. Uganda — many times poorer, with a fraction of the health infrastructure — was holding its own against something that had broken wealthy nations. That wasn’t luck or coincidence. That was a considered response, rooted in a very particular kind of strategic thinking. And it was, I kept thinking, an extraordinary story. One the world needed to hear. Because no African country was featuring meaningfully in the global COVID-19 conversation, the narrative was being written elsewhere, about elsewhere. Yet here was Uganda offering something genuinely useful — proof that resources alone don’t determine outcomes. That leadership and local wisdom count for something. So I pushed for a BBC interview with President Museveni. The newsroom was interested. Editors were on board. For once, the world seemed ready to look at Africa not as a problem to be managed, but as a place with actual answers. The interview didn’t happen. I won’t go into why. But that story was never told — and the outlets that would have carried it, the shift in perception it might have caused, all of that evaporated. This was not a one-off. It is, I am afraid, a pattern. The National Resistance Movement is not a propagandist movement by nature. Guerrillas keep things close to their chests — they move quietly, act decisively and rarely stop to explain themselves. In the bush, that instinct kept people alive. In today’s world, where perception shapes investment and policy and partnerships, that same silence becomes a liability. Uganda cannot keep winning quietly and expect the world to notice. As I said at my inauguration as executive director of the Uganda Media Centre, this is not about public relations. It is nation building — and there is a difference. Uganda has set its sights on a $500b economy by 2040. That is achievable. But only if we own our narrative, push back against those who misrepresent us and make sure that when this country does something remarkable, the world actually hears about it. We have the stories. We have the evidence. We just need to start telling them. The writer is the executive director of Uganda Media Centre

Allan Kasujja

04 April 2026

BOBI WINE WILL ENJOY CAMERA FOR A FEW MONTHS; THEN IT WILL BE BUSINESS AS USUAL

Hon. Robert Kyagulanyi a.k.a Bobi Wine is in exile in the USA, where he is meeting some leaders, lobbying them to sanction the top leadership in Uganda. To wit President Yoweri Museveni and the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba. In his view, these two denied him victory in the January 2026 General Elections. Kyagulanyi left Uganda, after the January 2026 General Elections, claiming he was running away from possible arrest. However, government still denies that it had any intentions of arresting him. Poor Kyagulanyi; like Gen. David Sejusa before him, Kizza Besigye, Col. Samson Mande, the late Col. Anthony Kyakabale, Maj. Herbert Itongwa and others, who after political disagreements with President Museveni, ran to the West and tried to wow the leadership in those capitals to stop any cooperation with President Museveni but were roundly rejected. What followed was frustration and isolation in those freezing capitals. They finally thought of making peace with President Museveni and they came back to Uganda. All of them are now free men enjoying their country. The West that these people run to, after political defeat, are not fools. These countries have better intelligence networks in Uganda and in the region that give them thorough reports of what is happening in Uganda. Mere rhetorical statements that Museveni is a dictator, who does not want to live with the Opposition cannot be believed. These people have their own intelligence that tells them exactly what Uganda and who President Museveni is. Therefore, any skewing of stories from Uganda, trying to biase leaders in the Western capitals will certainly fall flat. Without a doubt, they will rely most on their own intelligence than reports from disgraced political actors. In fact, from what is has been gathered is that most of the people Kyagulanyi has met so far, is that they are telling him to explore avenues of dialoguing with the leadership of the NRM. And this, of course, does not require the intervention of the Mzungu (White person) in the USA or any other Western capital. Uganda has enough eminent persons to handle that. Kyagulanyi is yet to be more frustrated, because in the near future even the chance they are offering to meet him will be no more. He will be making phone calls that will go unanswered. Or else, he will be answered with rude remarks. The earlier Kyagulanyi realises that the only way to rediscover his political struggles is by engaging Ugandans and not the Western world. He needs to return and do critical evaluation of methods of work. He has to pose critical questions, to his party colleagues, on why the party performed the way it performed. He inevitably must engage those he is opposed to, especially the ruling NRM in general and President Museveni in particular. This fallacy that engaging President Museveni is betraying the Opposition is totally wrong. Unfortunately, that perception has been created and those that have fallen for it are making irredeemable political mistakes. To the contrary, the Opposition that engaging President Museveni are making strong bargains in favour of Ugandans. Life in exile is described as an "exasperating," "poisonous," and a "terrible to experience" existence, characterized by an unhealable rift between an individual and their home country. It is a state of profound alienation, often involving involuntary displacement, where individuals feel cut off from their secure, familiar surroundings and forced into a foreign, often hostile, environment. Whatever disagreements Kyagulanyi could be having with Yoweri Museveni, the two can talk it over and a working relationship can be forged. Political disagreements can only be resolved by the two politicians. The West, where we tend to run looking for powerful godfathers, are not competent enough to appreciate our issues and be able to amicably resolve them. Kyagulanyi will be given audience on a few media platforms, but that can only be for a few months. What will then follow will be a total media blackout, because he will be having nothing new to tell the world. Then boredom will kick in. Feelings of isolation and loneliness will grow in volumes, which is not good for his mental health. Exiles often experience deep feelings of abandonment, loneliness, and fear, feeling disconnected from both their past and present reality. The exiled person may feel that their life has stopped or that time is being measured, only from the moment the exile began, leading to a nostalgic, often stagnant existence. There is a traumatic realization that "there is no return to the familiar," forcing the creation of a new, often uncomfortable life. Exiles frequently face a "powerlessness" and loss of control, struggling with new, unfamiliar rules, or even visa and travel restrictions. The feeling of being "cut off" or a stranger, even without moving, caused by trauma, divorce or estrangement. Often used in religious contexts, this describes feeling like a stranger in one’s own country or culture, a feeling of not belonging because of different values or beliefs. The earlier he returns to Uganda, the better for Kyagulanyi and his family. The writer works with Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

03 April 2026

KARAMOJA MUSEUM; THE STORY OF JOHN WILSON, THE SCOTTISH WHO DARED TO PRESERVE THE KARIMOJONG HERITAGE

In the late 1960s a Scottish agriculturalist based in Karamoja fell in love with the Karamoja rich culture and heritage. The Karimojong are a resilient, pastoralist group in northeastern Uganda, believed to have migrated from Ethiopia in the 1600s. Their, rich heritage is centers on cattle, which define their social structure, wealth, and identity. They maintain strong traditions, including colourful beadwork, scarification, and traditional dancing, with life centered on the manyatta (homestead). Cattle are central to life, representing wealth, status, and essential resources for marriage and conflict resolution.The community is organized by age sets, with elders holding significant authority and overseeing community matter. The Karamojong live in fortified homesteads called manyattas, which are often constructed with thorny branches to protect people and livestock. Women wear colourful beads and traditional cloths, while girls often wear bead belts over "carong" skirts. Traditional dances involve high jumping, and storytelling is a valued tradition. They often mark their skin for beauty and tribal identification. The culture includes skilled pottery, jewellery making, and stool carving. In mid 1970s former President of Uganda, Id Amin, tired of the Karimojong lifestyle of refusing to quickly embrace modernity, declared for the Karimojong to disband their lifestyle and burn all their artefacts and embrace contemporary living. This was resisted and as a result 360 people were killed many of them were buried in Napak District in a mass grave. As the Karimajong heritage was being decimated, a Scottish by the name John Wilson decided to buy off most of their artefacts and preserve it for future generations. John Wilson was an agriculturalist based in Moroto at the time. When the Amin government heard about John Wilson’s endeavours to preserve the Karimajong culture, they came for him and this forced him to flee Uganda via Turkana up to his homeland Scotland. John Wilson fled with 207 objects he had gathered in Karamoja. After some time, he returned to Kenya and bought a home in Kitale Town where he lived. In 1997, he ordered for his artefacts to be brought back to his home in Kitale. His wish was always for the government of Uganda to built a decent museum and pick these artefacts for the generations that will come after. When the government got to know about this wonderful man that had preserved the Karimojong artefacts, they approached him and began a conversation for him to return these special artefacts back to Uganda for preservation. He gave conditions. He wanted government of Uganda to build for him a house in Karamoja where he would live together with his artefacts. He also wanted national recognition. Unfortunately for Wilson, he died in 2021 before his dream of having a home in Uganda was realised .1n 2023, government of Uganda working together with Wilson’s adopted son, Dr Emmanuel Ndiyama who was working with National Museums of Kenya began the conversations of how those artefacts could be returned to Uganda. At that the artefacts were in the custody of Wilson’s wife, a one Anna Wilson who had shifted from Kitale to Kiyambu in Nairobi Kenya. On the 10th May 2023, a team from the Ministry of Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities led by the former Under Secretary of the Ministry of Tourism, Wildlife and AntiqutiesAntiquities, Mr. Samuel Kakhula and the Ag. Commissioner, Museums and AntiquitiesMonumentsuseums, Ms Dr. Nyirakiza Jackline Besigye went to Nairobi to meet Ms Annea Wilson to get the artefacts back to Uganda. Ms Anne Wilson had wanted the government of Uganda to buy them but she was convinced that that would contravene the international law on illicit trafficking of cultural objects. It was agreed that she gets 10000 USD as a thank you stipend for having kept these artefacts for over 50 years. Ms Annea Wilson handed overut the artefacts and were first kept with the National Museums of Kenya before being brought to Uganda. In July 2025 these objects were returned to Uganda and are currently being kept at the Soroti Museum. Thereafter, a decision was taken to build the Karamoja Culture Centre in MorotoKaramoja Cultural Centre in Moroto to showcase this heritage, including tools, artifacts, and stories about the region. Visitors can experience this culture through community-based tourism, such as visiting traditional homesteads (manyattas) to learn about their daily, often nomadic, lifestyle. Within the very museum, there is a John Wilson chamber where all artefacts that were returned from the Wilsons will be kept. It has also been agreed that Ms Anne Wilson will be present and will be honoured during the launch of Moroto Cultural Centre that is expected to be later this year. The facility, located at the foot of Mount Moroto, is now in its final stages of construction, with works estimated at between 85–87% complete. Once finished, it will become the first museum in the Karamoja sub-region, dedicated to preserving and showcasing the rich cultural heritage of the Karamojong people. The project is being implemented under the Ministry of Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities, as part of government efforts to promote cultural tourism and heritage conservation. Julius Mboggo, representing Advanta Uganda Limited, the project contractor confirmed that the works are nearing completion. “We are in the advanced stages of construction, currently at about 85% completion. What remains now are the finishing works. This project was initiated because Karamoja had no museum despite its rich cultural heritage. The Ministry identified Moroto as the ideal location to establish this important cultural centre,” he said. Mboggo added that the architectural design of the museum reflects the traditional manyatta style common in the region, blending cultural authenticity with modern construction standards. “We have incorporated elements that replicate the manyatta style of building, ensuring that the structure preserves the identity of the Karamojong while meeting modern construction standards,” he noted. Once completed, the museum will feature a variety of collections, including archaeological, ethnographic, and natural history exhibits such as traditional tools, artefacts, and fossils discovered over the years. The Karamoja Museum is expected to boost tourism in the region and contribute to increased revenue from both domestic and international visitors, while positioning Karamoja as a key cultural destination in Uganda. This place once completed will also serve as a debrief Centre for the mountain climbers that frequent Mt Moroto. It will also have a modern canteen and resting places for those that might want to spend a night. The writer works with Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

28 March 2026

AS MUSEVENI'S SWEARING-IN APPROACHES IN MAY 2026, ATTENTION TURNS TO HIS LEGACY

A few months after the January 2026 General Elections, several unusual events began to occur, suggesting a radical shift for the 2026-2031 presidential term. Indeed, there are signs that President Yoweri Museveni is poised to solidify his legacy as the leader of Uganda for what will be 45 years by the time this new term concludes in 2031. One of the main issues is what has been happening over the past few weeks. The government decided that a trade order must be enforced nationwide. This meant that all businesses outside gazetted areas would be demolished, and vendors operating on the roadside would be chased away. As a result, all illegal businesses are now being demolished across the country. Any protests from business owners are being ignored, unlike before. All signs indicate we will use ruthless pragmatism over the next five years. Building a legacy, whether in politics, business, or history, often requires ruthless pragmatism, which is a cold, calculating focus on results. This approach demands the ability to make tough, sometimes harsh decisions to achieve long-term goals and preserve stability. President Museveni, like the revolutionary former Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, is demonstrating true pragmatism, which means abandoning failing policies regardless of their ideological origin and adopting "best practices" to build a lasting legacy. Maintaining a legacy often requires sacrificing personal feelings, relationships, or comfort to safeguard the broader interests of the enterprise or dynasty. While sometimes associated with authoritarianism or controversial leaders, this approach is essential to ensuring a legacy endures rather than falls apart. As President Yoweri Museveni begins his seventh term, the country’s progress in security, economic growth, and infrastructure development clearly marks a defining legacy of his leadership. Uganda’s economy has seen significant growth over the past 40 years. From a modest GDP of $3.8 billion in 1986, it has expanded to about $69.3 billion today, driven by macroeconomic stability, liberalization policies, and strategic investments. Recent data from the Ministry of Finance, Planning, and Economic Development shows ongoing progress. Merchandise exports increased to $1.45 billion (UGX 5.43 trillion) in January 2026, up from $1.395 billion (UGX 5.22 trillion) in December 2025. This growth has been driven by strong performance in key sectors such as gold, coffee, electricity, and maize, resulting in a trade surplus for Uganda. The upward trend indicates increasing competitiveness and diversification of the country’s export base. The revolution in infrastructure and development has been key to Uganda’s transformation story. However, a major milestone in regional infrastructure was recently reached with the groundbreaking of the Kisumu–Malaba, Malaba–Kampala Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) Extension (Phase II). This event was jointly presided over by President Museveni and President William Ruto in Kisumu. The SGR project aims to revolutionize regional trade by improving connectivity to the Port of Mombasa, East Africa’s main trade hub. By cutting cargo transit times along the Northern Corridor, the railway will reduce business costs, boost efficiency, and increase trade volumes across Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The initiative reflects a broader strategy to optimize transportation systems by using rail for heavy cargo, pipelines for oil, and roads for passengers and light goods, while addressing key cost factors, including transportation, energy, and financing. Oil and gas are a new economic frontier. Uganda is on the verge of a historic milestone in its oil and gas sector, with critical infrastructure in place and the pipeline project underway. The country is on track to achieve first oil in 2026. This critical resource, which President Yoweri Museveni has carefully managed for over 30 years, is vital because he sought to avoid exploitation by the oil giants involved in the upstream industry. Oil revenues are expected to significantly transform Uganda’s economy. President Museveni has stated that proceeds from the sector will be strategically invested in defense, infrastructure, education, and healthcare, which are essential pillars of sustainable development. The oil and gas industry is also expected to boost industrialization, generate jobs, and strengthen Uganda’s standing in the global energy market. President Museveni’s 40-year legacy is deeply rooted in maintaining peace, fostering steady economic growth, and investing in proactive infrastructure. Though challenges remain, the progress made over the past four decades highlights a consistent vision of stability, self-reliance, and socio-economic development. As Uganda prepares for its next five years of development, fueled by oil revenues, regional integration, and a young population, the foundations laid over the years continue to shape the country’s path to prosperity. From a nation once troubled by conflict and economic instability to one on the verge of resource-driven growth, the journey has been remarkable. The coming years will reveal if this progress leads to inclusive prosperity and sustainable development, securing his legacy as one of Africa’s most influential leaders. The writer works with the Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

27 March 2026

FROM THE GARDEN TO THE FACTORY: WHY AGRO-INDUSTRIALISATION COULD POWER UGANDA’S GROWTH BY 2040

Uganda is a land blessed with rich soils, favorable weather and hardworking people. For decades, agriculture has sustained millions of livelihoods and remains the backbone of the economy. Unfortunately for some time, Uganda has exported her agricultural wealth in raw form, fetching only a small fraction of the value of the produce. Today the narrative is changing with Uganda pushing a deliberate effort to transform agriculture from a subsistence activity into a modern industrial engine capable of accelerating economic growth and prosperity by 2040. Government launched an ambitious plan in 2023 dubbed the “Ten-fold growth strategy” with a vision to expand the economy from approximately $50bn to $500bn by 2040. The plan focuses on accelerating growth through four key sectors: agro-industrialisation, tourism, mineral development, and science/technology innovation (ATMs). These sectors are treated as growth multipliers supported by strong public investment, private sector incentives and enabling infrastructure like roads, railways, energy and water systems to reduce production costs. We recently witnessed the historic groundbreaking ceremony of the Naivasha-Kisumu-Malaba Standard Guage Railway by H.E William Ruto of Kenya and H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The 107-kilometer Kisumu-Malaba section of the railway is a step towards completing a nearly 1000km rail corridor from Mombasa to the border with Uganda. This project is expected to connect a 272-kilometer Malaba-Kampala line that will form the foundation for trade across East African Community and reduce travel time from 14 hours to about four. Another transformative project is the 1443 km heated East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) that will transport oil from Hoima to Tanga. This is nearing completion with progress reported at about 79% as of 2026. The $3.55b project is expected to transport 216,000 barrels of oil per day from Hoima through to Tanzania, creating about 12,000 direct jobs and many more contingently. Uganda’s approach is to produce more, innovate more, export more while building the infrastructure and financial systems that make all sectors thrive. As of 2025, Uganda’s export performance reached record levels, both in value and volume with total merchandise exports of about $13.4b. This represents a 50% growth from the previous year that stood at about $8.7b. The key export contributors for the year 2025 include Gold, coffee, cocoa, sugar, fish, dairy and much more. Given the above summary, I would like to focus on agro-industrialisation as a key driver on its own. President Museveni has for long advocated for this strategy that seems simple but very powerful, urging Ugandans to move from exporting raw commodities to finished products. Coffee should not leave the country as beans but as a roasted and branded beverage. Other products including fruits, cassava, dairy, fish, maize and oilseeds must feed local factories that add value before goods reach international markets. This shift represents more than a change in agricultural policy but a structural transformation that is redefining Uganda’s economic future. The challenge remains productivity levels that have remained historically low due to focusing on primary production rather than industrial processing. As a remedy, Government is linking farmers to factories and markets with agro-industrialisation. When agricultural production feeds a network of processing plants, packing facilities, transport systems and export channels, the value of the entire chain multiplies. In practical terms, this means a farmer growing pineapple in Kayunga is not just selling fruit to a trader but rather those fruits can supply a juice factory which employs marketers and logistic workers while exporting branded products to regional and global markets. One crop can therefore generate multiple layers of economic activity. This is precisely the transformation Uganda is pursuing as part of our broader development strategy to significantly expand the size of our economy by 2040. There has been deliberate effort towards development of industrial parks across the country. Facilities such as the Namanve Industrial and Business Park are designed to host manufacturing and agro-processing companies that can convert raw agricultural produce into high value goods. The parks provide critical infrastructure including electricity, water, roads and logistics networks that allow industries to operate efficiently. By clustering factories in dedicated zones, the government hopes to reduce production costs and encourage private investment in agro-processing. This strategy is already attracting investors in food processing, dairy production, grain milling and beverage manufacturing. Each new factory strengthens the link between agriculture and industry, gradually building a more integrated economy. The greatest economic opportunity of agro-industrialisation lies in export growth. Uganda already produces globally recognized commodities such as coffee, tea, cocoa, fish and horticultural products but exporting them in raw form limits our ability to earn higher revenue. Expansion of markets under the African Continental Free Trade area has created new opportunities for Uganda with reduced trade barriers across Africa accessing a market of more than a billion consumers. Our factories are not only supplying domestics demands but also serve as production hubs for regional trade. Beyond exports and industrial growth, agro-industrialisation carries enormous social benefits for Ugandan youths especially when it comes to job creation. It’s critical to note that traditional farming alone cannot absorb this labor force. Agro- processing industries however create employment across multiple stages of production from farming and harvesting to transportation, packaging, marketing and distribution. The growth of agro-industry can revitalize rural economies. When factories are located near farming communities, farmers gain reliable markets for their produce. Stable demand often translates into better prices and greater incentives to increase productivity. In this way, agro-industrialisation does not only modernize agriculture but rather transforms rural development. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has strongly spearheaded programmes aimed at strengthening agricultural production, expanding irrigation and promoting investment in the industry. Despite the promise of agro-industrialisation, several challenges must still be addressed. Agricultural productivity remains uneven in many parts of the country due to limited access to modern inputs and irrigation. Post-harvest losses remain high, reducing the volume of produce that reaches processing facilities. Infrastructure gaps particularly in rural transportation and storage still affected the efficiency of supply chains. Climate change also poses new risks to agricultural production through unpredictable rainfall patterns and extreme weather events. Addressing these challenges requires sustained investment in technology, infrastructure, and farmer support systems. Uganda’s ambition to transform its agricultural sector into an industrial powerhouse is both bold and necessary. In a world where value increasingly lies in processing, branding, and innovation, simply exporting raw commodities is no longer enough. Agro-industrialisation therefore offers Uganda a pathway to capture greater value from its natural resources while creating jobs, strengthening exports, and modernizing rural economies. If effectively implemented, the country’s farms will not just feed the nation, but fuel industries, power exports, and drive economic growth for decades to come. By 2040, Uganda’s greatest economic success story may well be the journey from the garden to the factory floor, where agriculture and industry work together to build a prosperous future.

By Emma Were Belinda

21 March 2026

BOBI WINE AND EXILE LIFE; READING FROM KIZZA BESIGYE FAILED SCRIPT

Imitating a political idol can offer several perceived gains, ranging from personal psychological benefits to enhanced social or political engagement. However, these benefits often come with significant risks of compromising personal autonomy, as identified in literature on idolization and social learning. This clearly plays out so perfectly in the case of National Unity Platform (NUP) party supremo, Robert Kyagulanyi a.k.a Bobi Wine. Kyagulanyi who recently ran out of Uganda alleging that security forces were hunting him for arrest. Apparently, the man from Kamwokya seem to be reading the same political script like that of his idol Kizza Besigye. Robert Kyagulanyi a.k.a Bobi Wine has finally declared that he left Uganda to begin life in exile. In his own words, he will return to Uganda at his conveniency. This is much similar like in 2001 when Uganda’s veteran opposition politician Kizza Besigye fled to exile in South Africa after a crushing defeat in the 2001 presidential elections to Yoweri Museveni. Besigye, like Bob Wine now declared that he would return to Uganda at the time of his conveniency. Indeed, in 2005 he returned to Uganda and got a hero’s welcome. It turned out that this was a political move to rebrand himself and indeed it worked. The exile stint rebranded him and the closest he ever came to win the presidential election was in 2006 when he reduced president Museveni votes to 59%. Kizza Besigye got 37%. As it stands, Kyagulanyi has taken a sabbatical leave to cool off in those western capitals and then begin the plot on how to return to Uganda. He wants to come back rebranded and cause a storm in his activism as he prepares to try his luck at presidency in 2031. Ever since Kyagulanyi metamorphosed from a musician to becoming politician he has cut his political activism along the lines of his political idol Kizza Besigye. From militancy political activism to defying the incumbent leadership are all that Besigye did when he was at the helm of activism. Kyagulanyi has imitated him to the letter but also chose to imitate his political gestures and mannerisms. Dr Kizza Besigye chose militant political activism against Museveni and I and to some extent took defiance and militancy to another level. In his wisdom, like Kizza Besigye they want to demonstrate militancy to endear themselves to Ugandans who tend to think that for one to lead you must have military background or military knowledge. They think that decent political activism is for quislings. To them, to effectively oppose and probably throw him out of power, their followers need assurances that someone must be able to challenge Museveni using militancy and defiance activism. Unknown to the two, they didn’t know that they are playing into the territory where nemesis Yoweri Museveni excels most. Yoweri Museveni’s 40year tenure as President of Uganda is widely analyzed through his strategic use of political maneuvering to secure power. He combines tactical political maneuvering to outmaneuver his rivals. His ability to maintain power is often attributed to his background as a guerrilla leader and his skill in neutralizing political opponents, often through sudden, high-stakes moves. Bobi Wine’s sabbatical leave could seen as running away from many questions that come out of the last elections, he was not about to find answers. First, having performed so dismally despite the claims that he was rigged by the ruling NRM. Most of his supporters felt that he gave them a low deal and believed him when he actually had failed to sell himself across the whole country. They feel they fell for his lies and ended up risking for a man who wasn’t not doing enough to secure victory. Kyagulanyi’s fall out with his former leader of opposition, Hon. Mathias Mpuuga, Hon. Medard Seggona, Hon Abed Bwanika and others did not help matters. NUP supporters felt that Kyagulanyi as a leader of the party mishandled these members of parliament and as a result the Buganda support shrunk badly in the last elections. In such circumstances, Kyagulanyi had to first get out of Uganda to first cool off such that by the time he returns back, his supporters will have forgotten all these hard questions that were being lined up. Kyagulanyi and his idol Kizza Besigye must now rethink their approach of political activism especially against their nemesis Yoweri Museveni. The militancy and defiance seem not to have worked . After all, political violence is inherently detrimental to democracy, directly countering the foundational principle of resolving conflicts through nonviolent means. It acts as a destabilizing force that triggers democratic backsliding, weakens institutions, and hampers long-term democratic consolidation. Instead of solving issues, violence normalizes further aggression. The writer is the acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

16 March 2026

FIRST LADY JANET MUSEVENI HONOURS TEACHERS MAKING A DIFFERENCE

The First Lady and Minister of Education and Sports, Hon.Janet Kataaha Museveni, hosted a ceremony at State House in Entebbe on Wednesday to honor teachers who are making a significant impact in their communities. Twelve teachers were honored through New Vision’s “Teachers Making a Difference” program, supported by the Government of Ireland. The winners received monetary awards, educational supplies, and a grand prize of a study tour to Ireland. The initiative recognizes teachers who go above and beyond their formal duties to serve their communities and foster innovation and dedication in education. In her speech, Hon.Kataaha Museveni described teachers as “architects of the country’s future,” noting that they are crucial to building the human resources needed for a modern and prosperous Uganda. She said that transforming Uganda from a largely peasant economy into a modern society depends on a strong education system and dedicated teachers. She congratulated the award winners, describing them as role models and “unsung heroes” whose work fosters a culture of excellence and better service delivery. She said the ministry values the initiative for its role in strengthening teacher capacity and leadership, and encouraged teachers nationwide to uphold professionalism, accountability, and integrity in their work. Hon. Janet Kataaha Museveni also expressed gratitude to President Yoweri Museveni for policies like Universal Primary Education (UPE), which she stated now benefits over 8.5 million students. She observed that the government later introduced Universal Secondary Education (USE) and Universal Post-Primary Education and Training (UPPET) in 2007 to increase access to secondary schooling, especially for students from rural and low-income backgrounds. Regarding reforms, she stated that the government has implemented a competence-based curriculum at the O-Level and is launching a revised A-Level curriculum to align with lower secondary reforms. She also mentioned that the government continues to improve school infrastructure, including the policy of establishing at least one secondary school per sub-county and one primary school per parish. Hon. Kataaha Museveni praised New Vision for organizing professional development workshops for past winners, focusing on competence-based assessment and emerging trends in education management, and called the training timely and relevant. She also expressed gratitude to the Irish Ambassador to Uganda for ongoing support, noting that since 2017, the partnership has recognized over 100 teachers, with 53 benefiting from professional development programs in Ireland. She also thanked Travelcare, a local tour company, for providing air tickets to six outstanding teachers, and announced six additional sponsorship slots for study trips to Ireland for this year’s winners. The overall winner was Burungi Mary Alice Baruga from Bombo Army SS, who received Shs2 million, a brick-making machine, a certificate, and a study trip to Ireland. Other winners included Arafat Ndiwa from Chemisto Kala Girls Primary School in Amudat, John Bosco Loibok from Karenga Boys Primary School, Richard Begura from Immaculate Heart Girls School in Rukungiri, Aisha Mbeya from Nalubaale SS in Bugiri, Tairi Fungaro from Yumbe Primary School in Yumbe District, Anna Lomonyanga from Kangole Boys Primary School in Napak, Job Afeku from Yoro Primary School in Adjumani, Florence Nabasumba from St Peter’s Nantabulirwa Primary School in Mukono, Morris Wamuwaya from Nabumali Boarding Primary School, Elisha Mfitifundinda from Muramba Seed Secondary School in Kisoro, and Stella Ejang from St Katherine Secondary School in Lira.

Nanteza Sarah Kyobe

13 March 2026

THE UN SOUTH SUDAN REPORT: THE BLACKMAIL AND PROPAGANDA THEREIN

The so-called UN Commission on Human Rights has once again issued a speculative report about Uganda’s involvement in the South Sudan conflict. The report makes serious allegations against the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), which are currently working to prevent what could become one of the worst genocides in recent years. The commission claims that the UPDF, along with the South Sudan armed forces, bombed civilian areas in March 2026 while targeting the White Army. The White Army is a rebel group connected to former South Sudan Vice President Dr. Riek Machar. Following the report, Jim Risch, the Chair of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, urged the US government to reevaluate its military partnership with Uganda. He claimed that “Uganda is exporting brutality” to South Sudan. Senator Risch has frequently voiced critical opinions about Uganda’s current leadership, particularly concerning Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Due to this history, his comments did not surprise many Ugandans. For the record, the UPDF has never participated in indiscriminate bombing of civilians. Its track record over more than 40 years speaks for itself, both in Uganda and in countries where it has taken part in peace missions. In areas where the UPDF has operated, discipline and respect for human rights have been fundamental principles. The UPDF has participated in missions in Liberia, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, and now South Sudan. During these missions, the force has earned a reputation for discipline and respect for civilians. Because of this record, it is often considered one of Africa’s most trusted peacekeeping forces. In March 2025, Yoweri Museveni sent the UPDF to South Sudan at the request of President Salva Kiir Mayardit. The move followed a mutiny by soldiers loyal to then Vice President Riek Machar. The mutiny resulted in clashes in Nasir and parts of Juba, where soldiers loyal to President Kiir were killed. At the time, South Sudan was on the verge of another major conflict. Such a conflict could have toppled the government and turned the country into a failed state, with serious consequences for the region. The UPDF remains deployed in South Sudan as regional leaders continue efforts to end the conflict through dialogue. The crisis in South Sudan is one of the bloodiest conflicts in the region. It has been driven by political rivalry, ethnic tensions, and competing ambitions for power. The country has faced instability since the death of its founding leader, John Garang, who died in a plane crash on July 30, 2005. After Garang’s death, Salva Kiir became president. His relationship with Dr. Riek Machar has been characterized by a fierce political rivalry. Their struggle for power has frequently escalated tensions within the country. Ethnic divisions have also worsened the conflict. President Kiir is from the Dinka community, while Machar is from the Nuer community. These two groups are the largest in South Sudan, and political rivalry between them has often taken an ethnic turn. A complete collapse of South Sudan would be dangerous not only for its citizens but also for the entire region. Failed states often become breeding grounds for terrorism and organized crime. The United States has long led global efforts to combat terrorism, and Uganda remains an important partner in that fight. Therefore, the UPDF’s role in maintaining stability in South Sudan should be acknowledged. Its presence has helped keep key figures, including President Kiir and Dr. Machar, engaged in dialogue until a peaceful lasting solution is attained. Uganda and the United States also maintain a long-standing security partnership. This cooperation emphasizes regional stability, counterterrorism, especially against al-Shabaab, and military capacity building. The partnership includes U.S. support in training, medical infrastructure, and logistics for the UPDF. These efforts have helped promote stability in parts of East Africa. Regional organizations such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the African Union (AU), and the European Union (EU) have repeatedly been asked to deploy peacekeeping forces in South Sudan before the UPDF withdraws. However, such deployment has not yet happened. Due to this delay, Uganda has continued to play a vital role in preventing a larger conflict that could have resulted in genocide. However, instead of praise, the UPDF and President Museveni have faced criticism from some international actors and regional commentators. The UPDF is also involved in other regional security missions. In November 2021, at the invitation of the government in Kinshasa, the UPDF entered Ituri Province in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo to fight the terrorist group known as the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). The group had killed hundreds of civilians and displaced many communities. The UPDF has been in Somalia for almost twenty years as part of the African Union mission to fight al-Shabaab. During this period, the force has played a key role in stabilizing parts of the country. In the Central African Republic, Ugandan forces have also assisted in tracking members of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a rebel group responsible for years of violence in the region. These missions reflect Uganda’s broader commitment to regional peace and security. The writer is the Ag. Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

07 March 2026

IT'S “RAINY SEASON” FOR EXTORTIONISTS PROMISING POLITICAL JOBS

A few days ago, the Minister for the Presidency, Hon. Milly Babalanda, issued a public statement warning Ugandans about extortionists who are exploiting innocent people by promising them appointments as Resident District Commissioners (RDCs). In one such case, Juliet Nganda from Bweyogerere was arrested after allegedly extorting millions of shillings from Mr. Obadiah Mugabi of Iganga, falsely promising to secure him an appointment as an RDC. According to police reports, Juliet admitted that she is part of a larger racket operating across several districts in Uganda. The syndicate reportedly convinces victims that the money collected is meant to “facilitate” individuals who have access to the “powers above” and can influence appointments. Ugandans must understand that political appointments are solely at the President's discretion. It is therefore misleading and outright dishonest for anyone to claim they can influence the President to appoint a particular person to a specific position. Such claims are not only false but are also intended to prey on ambition and ignorance. As the country prepares for the formation of a new government following the swearing-in scheduled for May 2026, opportunistic fraudsters are taking advantage of the moment. They are reportedly targeting newly elected Members of Parliament, especially first-time legislators, claiming to be conducting “background checks” on behalf of intelligence agencies before ministerial appointments are made. They present themselves as officials assigned to vet potential appointees to what they describe as “juicy” political offices. The main targets are newcomers to parliament who might not yet fully understand how government appointment processes work. Some of these individuals may have previously worked in the informal sector or private businesses and might be unfamiliar with formal government procedures. The extortionists exploit this knowledge gap to instill fear, create urgency, and offer false hope. In reality, the process of appointing individuals to political office is structured, confidential, and managed by institutions and persons of high integrity who cannot be compromised through financial inducements. While there is often public debate about competence versus political loyalty in such appointments, the process itself is not for sale. Paying a so-called lobbyist to influence the appointing authority is not only unwise but also exposes one to criminal fraud. History shows that presidential appointments are often unexpected and based on considerations known only to the appointing authority. For example, in 1991, the late Cosmas Adyebo was appointed Prime Minister in a move that surprised many. It is widely reported that news of his appointment found him at a local drinking spot in Lira City enjoying ajon. At that time, he was a lecturer at the Uganda College of Commerce (UCC) Aduku. This shows how discreet and professional the whole process of identifying cadres for political jobs can be. Similarly, the appointment of the current Prime Minister Rt Hon. Robinah Nabanja surprised many Ugandans, as she was serving as a junior minister in the Ministry of Health at the time. These examples show that appointments are not made through noise, lobbying, or backroom deals, but through considerations beyond public speculation. The desperation for political jobs, often driven by unemployment, the lure of status and influence, or the belief that public office guarantees wealth, creates fertile ground for con artists. The harmful idea that appointments can only be obtained through influence peddling reflects a deeper mindset problem. It is often linked to impatience, a lack of confidence in one’s merit, and a tendency to seek shortcuts rather than earn trust through service and competence. Extortion is a criminal offense. In some regions where governance is weak, victims might feel forced to pay “protection fees” to avoid harm. However, Uganda has established legal institutions. There is no justification for paying anyone to secure a political appointment. Doing so only fuels criminal networks and erodes public trust in government institutions. Ugandans need to adopt a mindset change. It is very concerning that some people are willing to spend their hard-earned money chasing fortune through dishonest methods. The rising fascination with “get rich quick” schemes show a distorted view of success. This behavior is often driven by impatience, lack of guidance, misplaced faith in political favors, and a dislike of consistent hard work. Sad to note is that even after multiple public warnings, some victims continue to gamble with their resources and fall into the trap. When the fraud unravels, they rush to the police to recover their money, but such transactions are usually done secretly, without documentation or proof of payment. This makes recovery difficult and, in some cases, impossible. The message is that no legitimate political appointment in Uganda is for sale. Ugandans are urged to oppose outside influence, report suspicious individuals to authorities, and rely on established constitutional processes. Public office is a responsibility granted through lawful procedures, not a commodity to be bought in secret. The writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed K. Katureebe

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