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26 June 2025

APPRECIATING INDONESIA PROF. MUHAMMAD YUNUS’ MICROFINANCE AND UGANDA’S PARISH DEVELOPMENT MODEL

Born in Bangladesh on June 28, 1940, Yunus completed his BA and MA at Bangladesh's Dhaka University. After graduating, he taught economics at Chittagong University, before receiving a Fulbright scholarship to study in the United States. In the early 1970s, Yunus completed his PhD in economics at Vanderbilt University. Following his studies, Yunus returned to Bangladesh to become the head of Chittagong University's economics department. Around the time of Yunus' return to Bangladesh, a famine had swept through the country. He became aware that the poor needed access to capital to start small businesses and that banks generally weren't willing to help them, either refusing requests outright or charging extortionate interest rates. In 1976, Yunus took matters into his own hands, loaning very small sums of money, reportedly $27, to 42 local women who needed to buy materials to produce their products. Traditional banks wouldn’t offer loans or lines of credit to people without collateral, yet Yunus believed that the very poorest of a culture could raise their own small business activity and their station with microcredit and microloans. It was this "discovery" of microcredit that would lead him toward the beginnings of forming the Grameen bank and his future Nobel Prize. Yunus began borrowing money from other banks to make loans to the poor, initially as part of a pilot program that ran from 1976 to 1983. In 1983, Yunus formally opened the Grameen (Village) bank, which served as a way to offer microcredit to entry-level and subsistence entrepreneurs. By June 2020, Grameen Bank had given $30.48 billion dollars worth of loans to some of the world's poorest people. Perhaps more importantly, Yunus' scheme and his promotion of microcredit led to the formation of hundreds of similar projects in nations around the globe. As of 2020, Grameen Bank has roughly nine million borrowers, 97% of which are women, with a near-perfect repayment rate. Yunus pioneered microfinance to give the unbanked rural poor, especially women, access to credit for self-employment and small businesses. The aim was to create bottom-up development where economic growth starts with the most marginalized. Introduced in 2022, PDM is Uganda’s flagship poverty eradication and wealth creation program. It targets the 39% of Ugandans in the subsistence economy, aiming to transition them into the money economy using parish-level SACCOs (Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations). Microloans offered without collateral UGX 100 million per parish per year through SACCOs group lending model to reduce risk community-based SACCOs managed at parish level Women-focused financial empowerment Target: women, youth, elderly, PWDs (People with Disabilities). Key similarities Entrepreneurial use: small businesses, agriculture Target use: agro-processing, farming, services Targeting the Unbanked: Both models aim at financially excluded populations, especially rural households. Decentralized Implementation: Grameen works at village level; PDM is based at the parish, the smallest government unit. Community Participation: Both rely on local governance and peer support, though PDM is state-driven. Promotion of Self-Help: Emphasis on productive use of funds, not handouts—borrowers/investors are expected to generate returns. Key Differences Yunus Model (Grameen Bank) Parish Development Model (PDM) NGO-driven, globally scalable Government-driven, Uganda-specific Market-tested over decades Still in early implementation stage Self-financing through loan interest Heavily reliant on government funding High emphasis on social metrics (education, health, etc.) Mostly focused on household incomes and enterprise growth Impact on Financial Inclusion in Uganda (Observed & Potential) Positive Developments: Expansion of financial access at grassroots through SACCOs. Increased capitalization of rural enterprise. Inclusion of special interest groups (women, youth, PWDs). Government focus on production for the market, not just consumption. Challenges & Risks (Mirroring Microfinance History): Weak SACCO governance can lead to misuse or non-recovery of funds. Lack of financial literacy may lead to poor investment choices. Politicization of funds and pressure to disburse without due diligence (unlike Yunus' disciplined peer lending). Limited monitoring frameworks could affect impact tracking and sustainability. Conclusion: Lessons from Yunus for Uganda’s PDM Uganda’s PDM can draw critical lessons from Yunus’ microfinance philosophy: Emphasize borrower responsibility and accountability. Train and support local financial institutions (SACCOs) the way Grameen trained its staff. Focus on women empowerment, not just equal distribution. Ensure sustainability by encouraging savings and reinvestment rather than over-reliance on government injection. The Writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

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21 June 2025

UGANDA MEDIA, JOURNALISTS: THE CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE FOR NUP

An otherwise capricious political group, the so-called National Unity Platform (NUP) just passed off what it called its national delegates conference at which top party-political entrepreneurs were crowned, retaining their coveted seats, during which the media was sealed out. And the Uganda media houses, their journalists, and those that pass for political critics seeking genuine democracy and good governance seem to be accomplices in what many see as a conspiracy of silence. Just from where, the selection process, number and who constituted the NUP national delegates conference that ratified leadership installation remain a puzzle, yet the ever zealously intrusive Uganda media is completely silent. They are not asking any of the hard questions that should enlist some answers, and if not, at the very least, intelligent responses from a group that outwardly claims to represent progressive change. As political partisans, who have taken sides, the Uganda media and most of those who pass for journalists , are letting the country down, and quite frankly, their own future doesn’t look that bright, professionally. And as was with the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) in its heydays, under Kizza Besigye, the then doyen, were never put to strict scrutiny, NUP and its donkey-leader Robert Kyagulanyi a.k.a. Bobi Wine, are being treated to a free pass. The consequence of that conspiracy of silence in aid of FDC and Besigye partly led them to hoodwink Ugandans for quite a while making the current implosions look a surprise, yet the FDC architects were all along up to no good. The silence of convenience in favour of Besigye during the early stages of his political belligerence, and now for Kyagulanyi’s handwork, will haunt the building of a credible opposition in Uganda for years to come. And yet, without any sense of self shame, the media, journalists and political critics will, in the next few weeks come to lambast and rail against the NRM even for simplest errors by individual candidates or leaders however isolated the cases of election malpractices may be. Just as a reminder, only a week ago, the same media troops were harpooning Democratic Party (DP) President General Norbert Mao who is no longer their preferred choice over what they termed a chaotic’ delegates conference in Mbarara. They even alleged that the invitation of Gen. (rtd) Salim Saleh Rufu a.k.a, Caleb Akandwanaho as the guest speaker, was sacrilegious as it portrayed, without evidence, that he funded the DP meeting. Of course all this had been seen coming ever since Mao, construed as a political sellout, made amends with NRM and President Yoweri Museveni. The vicious malevolence of NUP leaders and their so-called ‘foot soldiers’ who stalk supposed political opponents on the media and at public squares like when they beat up NRM supporters simply when found wearing yellow garments are never condemned in editorials by the media or journalists. Instead, they are rationalized for as appropriate retributions for the alleged mistakes of the state currently run by NRM. So, for those political conspirators, egging NUP and now Popular Front for Freedom (PFF), again just remember how you treated Aggrey Siryoyi Awori or Cecilia Ogwal you nicknamed ‘Iron lady’, both gone to their ancestors, and how much a political shambles they both ended. It was Shakespeare, who in Julius Ceasar, wrote, “There is a tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the floods, leads on to fortune; Omitted, all voyage of their life is bound in shallows and in miseries.” Quite often, not only they, but their institutions and nations too. NUP, as currently the leading opposition in parliament and possibly country, ought to be held to the same highest standards they demand of NRM if good governance is considered major plank for public discourse.

By Ofwono Opondo

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16 June 2025

UNDERSTANDING WHY SECURITY IS GETTING TOUGH ON NUP RADICALIZED YOUTH BRIGADES

The rise of militant street-level activism in Uganda, especially among National Unity Platform (NUP) youthful political foot soldiers, draws unsettling parallels with the early tactics of the Hitler Youth and the infamous Brownshirts (Sturmabteilung, or SA) of Nazi Germany. This is not to suggest ideological equivalence—but in terms of methods, symbolism, and the normalization of violence, the similarities are too significant to ignore. The National Unity Platform (NUP), Uganda’s leading opposition movement, has not emerged from a sincere grassroots desire for reform. Rather, it is increasingly apparent that NUP functions as a political instrument of foreign interests—most notably some Western powers and their proxies who seek to destabilize Uganda for geopolitical leverage. The party’s rhetoric of “change” masks a deeper agenda: the fragmentation of national unity, erosion of public order, and eventual subjugation of Uganda to external influence. This foreign-backed activism has taken on an increasingly confrontational, militarized form. Red berets are worn like combat uniforms. Group drills, martial language, and street mobilizations have become normalized. The so-called NUP “foot soldiers” now resemble not protestors but paramilitary cells. What begins as political organizing crosses the line into coercion, disruption, and street warfare. In Germany, government is considering banning the biggest opposition political party, the Alternative for Germany (AFD) because the domestic intelligence organ, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) confirmed that they Right Wing extremists. Therefore, taming and disciplining those perpetuating political extremism should be curtailed at any cost. The visual and structural similarities to the SA of 1930s Germany are striking. The commander of these militant NUP youths, often pictured in black fatigues and commanding rows of disciplined supporters, mirrors Ernst Röhm—leader of Hitler’s Brownshirts. Röhm built the SA not as a civic organization but as a private army to enforce ideological purity and intimidate rivals. Likewise, NUP’s foot soldiers operate with impunity in many areas, asserting dominance through fear and violence, not persuasion or policy. Under Röhm, the SA terrorized opponents, disrupted meetings, and brutalized civilians—all under the false pretense of defending democracy. Uganda’s current experience is alarmingly similar. NUP operatives have been implicated in assaults on market vendors, vandalism, threats against journalists, and violent clashes with law enforcement. Their tactics undermine the very freedoms they claim to fight for. What is even more astonishing is the conduct of some of the Western ambassadors to Uganda, who has openly shown sympathy toward NUP, including its militant wing. For a diplomat from a nation that endured—and eventually defeated—the destructive influence of Röhm’s SA, such actions are not only insensitive but deeply irresponsible. Germany’s past should serve as a warning against legitimizing violent populism abroad, not a license to promote it. Faced with an escalating wave of intimidation and the pleas of Ugandan citizens caught in the crossfire, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba has had to intervene using unconventional yet necessary measures. When formal security mechanisms are overwhelmed or paralyzed by political sensitivities, decisive leadership becomes essential. Gen. Muhoozi’s actions have been aimed at restoring community safety, countering organized political violence, and defending Uganda’s sovereignty against external manipulation and domestic proxies. Let us be clear: criticizing NUP’s violence is not an excuse for state abuse. But failing to confront the foreign-sponsored radicalization of Uganda’s youth under the NUP banner would be a grave error. The solution to authoritarianism cannot be foreign-funded insurrection disguised as democracy. Uganda needs responsible opposition rooted in patriotism—not tools of imperialism wearing revolutionary colors. Röhm’s SA started as “activists” too—until they became the blunt instrument of a fascist state. Uganda must avoid repeating that trajectory. NUP must disavow violence, abandon militarized symbolism, and return to lawful, peaceful political engagement—if it ever was genuinely interested in it. Ugandans have sacrificed too much for their sovereignty to surrender it to either homegrown mobs or foreign puppeteers. History’s lesson is clear: populist violence—once tolerated—does not usher in freedom, only fear.

By Obed Katureebe

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14 June 2025

PFF: BESIGYE, LUKWAGO, MUSUMBA AND SSEMUJJU SETTLING FOR LESS

Kizza Besigye who is squatting in Luzira prison facing treason charges, Erias Lukwago, Proscovia Salaamu Musumba and Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, the ‘new’ political honchos, or rather recycled into another political party, having failed to evict their nemeses from the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), have finally settled for less. They even wanted to grab FDC headquarters, take over its bank accounts and wound it up through a court order but failed on that mission too. They are bad losers who will not publicly admit. Having sounded so ballistic, vowed but miserably failed to evict Patrick Oboi Amuriat, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, and Geoffrey Ekanya, President, Secretary General, and Treasurer General respectively from the shell that FDC is today, over the so-called ‘dirty money’, they begrudgingly opted to found a new political party they have christened, the Peoples’ Front for Freedom (PFF) whose symbol is the button telephone handset. Their collective ingenuity for this telephone as a symbol surely ought to be applauded, only when they are not leading Uganda. Besigye, the political constant in the ever-changing political rollercoaster in what has been a virulent opposition since September 1999, has hit speed bumps as many leaders, lured into his formations abandon ship as fast as they came when discover the ploy. The list is really long, but suffice to mention Amanya Mushega, Mugisha Muntu, David Pulkol, Miria Matembe, Beti Olive Kamya, Prof. Morris Ogenga Latigo, Beatrice Anywar, Anita Among, Thomas Tayebwa, Garuga Musinguzi, Alice Alasu Asianut, Winne Kizza, Ezati Kasiano Wadri, Ronald Reagan Okumu, Abdu Katuntu, and Elija Okupa among others. It is a graveyard of sorts. Many of these, including Maj. John Bashaija Kazzora (RIP), after weighing mainly their interests against Besigye’s leadership persona, decided to cut their loss with some abandoning active politics altogether. Reform Agenda, Forum for Democratic Change, and now Peoples’ Front for Freedom, although keep refreshing its autography, in many ways remains the same, a charade in character. As Shakespeare wrote centuries ago, a rose by any name smells as good, except in this case, it has not been a rose. It is important that we keep telling the country what damage they can visit if our political guards were to be lowered. In business terms, it has been more like a bankrupt or tax dodger who changes the name of his entity each time their lenders or taxman close in. Their collective appetite for bravado, instigate altercations, drama and bedlam for self-indulgence is repolished as political chattels for survival and continuity. Through this, Ssemujju and Lukwago might keep their seats and earnings from a government they so much cleverly despise and portray for bogeyman. But whatever the trickery, PFF and its politicians may not be stillbirth like The Alliance for National Transformation (ANT), but are clearly on life support because they are unlikely to expand that much in the country. Examining the political and social contours of PFF, it is nor far-fetched to see that it is going to squeeze with the errand men and women from the National Unity Platform (NUP), and Mathias Mpuuga’s Democratic Alliance (DA) mainly in Buganda as they seek supremacy along ethnic chauvinism. With NRM still going up, it appears that it is going to attract migration of politicians like Ojara Mapenduzi, Anthony Akol, Twaha Kagabo of every stripe leaving so few for FDC, PFF or even NUP. Of course, in justifying their inabilities to make a deep political imprint countrywide and in the forthcoming elections, Besigye’s political entourage is destined to wholly place blame on NRM, and particularly President Yoweri Museveni and the state machinery rather than their own poor strategy and leadership.

By Ofwono Opondo

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07 June 2025

A SPIRITED NORBERT MAO’S WIN; HOLDING BREATH FOR NRM PRIMARIES

A hollow win, perhaps, but congratulations nevertheless are in order to Norbert Mao for extending his tenure as President General of the Democratic Party (DP). The ever-jocular Mao, also Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs in the NRM government, just won a landslide to retain, or rather continue his controversial leadership of the DP, born in 1954 but still struggling to find its way in Uganda’s politics. Mao’s high political ground has been ebbing slowly for a while now although he doesn’t admit so, which is all fine in the market of free thought, speech and association. Mao’s close allies in DP’s long-running obfuscated internal political disagreements, Mukasa Mbidde and Gerald Siranda also easily retained their seats as vice president, and Secretary General respectively, leaving their main nemesis Lulume Bayiga and MP Buikwe South gnashing teeth. It is still too early to know how deep the political fallout will be, but in any case, DP is now, only a shell nestled, more as a tribal enclave mainly in Buganda. But before it all ended, fist-fights, first at their headquarters hidden on Balintuma road, in Lubaga, Kampala, and later at what passed for DP delegates conference in Mbarara, set the pace, which was rounded up with ballot boxes being snatched away. It has remained unclear if the police that were seen carrying away the ballot boxes were rescuing, or aiding in a possible irregularity. For those untrained in DP history, what has just replayed last week, has been the main trend in DP since its founding seven decades ago. The 1984 Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere’s DP delegates conference, birthed Tiberio Okeny Atwoma’s National Liberal Front that never saw light. Since 1986, DP has had splinter factions named DP Mobilizer’s Group led by Michael Kaggwa, Tap Dialogue of Omulongo Wasswa Zziritwawula, and since 2010 when Mao outwitted Hajji Nasser Ssebbaggala (RIP) in Mbale, DP has been in a free fall. Unsympathetic people on X, formerly Twitter, were left to derisively mock DP, and Mao’s win saying ‘democracy has fled the party’, although I know my friend Mao, will say otherwise. Some in DP and the wider political opposition accuse Mao of being a ‘sale-out’ to the NRM, but more appropriately President Yoweri Museveni for a meal ticket. Mao sees himself as a ‘bridge-builder’ in what he calls a peaceful transition of power from the President to another person in the near future. We, in the NRM laugh off or just sneer at his suggestions that he is the one to change our political course. Meanwhile, the tremors in NRM so far, going by the past one month of elections to renew party leadership from the grassroots, punctuated by shoving, fist-fights and open shouting matches, portend what may happen during the coming primaries to select MP and Local Council 5 (LCV) flag-bearers will be. The upbeat, at collection of nomination forms during this week, and past records, indicate enthusiasm and strong liking for the party which attracts close to five thousand candidates contesting for the 529 parliamentary and 146 district chairperson seats available respectively. Ugandans are holding their collective breath, but it is neither too much, nor too late to ask NRM members, especially the candidates and their principal agents to redeem NRM’s electoral image that has been tattered with every electoral circle. Hopefully too, NRM has this time round, mapped out the usual election trouble spots like Sembabule, Kazo, Namutumba and Tororo districts for easy management. And NRM internal election registrars, perennially either out of incompetence or personal petty greed have accustomed to fiddling with processes and poll results, ought to style up, if the party and its collective membership are to avoid unnecessary embarrassments. Otherwise, let there be a robust and tranquil electoral contest within political parties.

By Ofwono Opondo

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07 June 2025

HOW THE UPC GOVERNMENT UNWITTINGLY RECRUITED FOR MUSEVENI DURING THE BUSH WAR OF 1981-1986

By Obed K Katureebe The year was 1981 when President Yoweri Museveni launched Bush War to oust the rogue regime of then President Milton Obote. This was after a fraudulent general election. Panic engulfed the UPC government and in their imprudent response to this challenge they switched on the red baton of complete self-destruction. Security agencies and some radical UPC minions panicked and responded by unleashing terror on those they suspected to be Museveni supporters. Indeed, this was a shallow and dangerous approach completely devoid of critical thinking on the part of the UPC security actors. They assumed that whoever came from certain parts of Western Uganda were all Museveni supporters/sympathisers. Whereas it is true that most NRA freedom fighters were a byproduct of FRONASA movement which began its recruitment against Id Amin in 1970s and had picked most recruits from Western Uganda, the truth of the matter was that NRM/A Bush War fighters were from all corners of Uganda. The misrule of the Paulo Muwanga and his mentor Milton Obote were felt across the whole country. Therefore, it was completely wrong for the UPC functionaries to randomly victimise and brutalise most people from parts of Western Uganda. Wanton abductions of people and never to be seen again became the norm on unverifiable suspicions. The saddest bit was that all those abducted were either killed or starved to death in the infamous holding centre in Katikamu in Luwero District. Those that were lucky to survive after torture would be asked to pay huge ransoms to be released. Katikamu became a nightmare to families in Central and Western Uganda. The hatchet man in the mid-western Buganda was one Sergeant Shokolo. It became worse when regime operatives began arresting young school going children and disappearing them for ransoms. This later became a form of crude extortion. If they arrested your children and you wanted them not killed you would be told to pay huge ransoms to save them. This left most parents with no other option but to encourage their children especially the youth to find their way to the Bush than being killed for no good reason. Most of them had dropped out of schools for fear of being picked and tortured. The feeling was we would rather join Museveni and fight this phoney government than being killed like grasshoppers. People began to quietly get in touch with those who were recruiting the Bush War fighters and handed them their youthful sons and daughters. Dr Milton Obote and his hatchet men were unwittingly busy recruiting for Yoweri Museveni. In Isingiro District, the infamous roadblock was manned at the current main roundabout in the middle of Isingiro Town. The famous Wavamuno buses that used to ply the Isingiro route would be stopped and ransacked on a daily. Every young woman who risked travelling on that route would be rapped and those that dared to resist would be shot and killed. And why was Isingiro a spot of suspicion and therefore “gifted” with that terrible roadblock….?, simply because Isingiro was hosting two Rwandese Refugee camps i.e Oruchinga and Nakivale and therefore these were seen as Museveni supporters. The wrong assumption again was that all Rwandese speaking people were supporting Museveni just because few Rwandese fighters i.e President Paul Kagame and the late Fred Rwigyema were with Museveni in the Bush War. That naivety of the UPC government made them commit another political and probably intelligence mistake. In 1982, the UPC government led by the radical politicians from Western Uganda i.e Chris Rwakasisi and Edward Rurangaranga took a decision to expel all Rwandan speaking people in Western and Central Uganda from their private lands and forced them into the two refugee camps in Isingiro. This action was intended to economically subjugate them from funding Museveni’s Bush War. Wrong assumption again. This was a crude method of stealing their wealth and sending them into refugee and starve them to death. Indeed, most of them did die of starvation. Their cows were stolen, their property looted, and their chunks of land was redistributed among the UPC gangsters. What was mind boggling, these disposed and displaced people were the indigenous Ugandan Rwandan speaking who have lived in Uganda for over a century now. The killing and looting of the wealth from these Rwandan speaking community became another enormous mistake by the UPC government. The young men and woman especially whose life was now at stake took a unanimous decision of joining the Bush and die fighting the UPC government than dying of starvation or suffer arbitrarily arrests. When UPC radicals were celebrating the looting of cows and redistributing of huge chunks of land that these disposed Rwandan speaking people had lost, they didn’t understand the political mistake they had committed. Any sensible person should have known that land is an emotive possession. One would rather die fighting than losing his/her land through such criminal schemes. Whereas many people joined the Bush War because they had been ideologically mobilised especially by their charismatic leader Yoweri Museveni, there is also another group of people who joined the struggle because they had nothing to live for. When President Yoweri Museveni refers to some leaders as being ideologically bankrupt, exactly this is what he means. As we continue to reconcile and heal as a country, we must learn from our past mistakes. History is very rich to teach us very hard lessons. Happy Heroes Day. The author is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

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31 May 2025

FALLOUTS, KAWEMPE NORTH ELECTION NULLIFICATION PILE MISERIES ON NUP

The Monday High Court nullification of Kawempe North byelection result, recently won by Luyimbazi Elias Nalukoola of the National Unity Platform (NUP), a rubble rouser opposition party, piles additional miseries to an organisation many already see as facing down the political abyss. The shallowness of its leadership and lack of real policy platform, get exposed daily, and apparently there is no turning back from the high horse they climbed. High Court Judge Bernard Namanya, ruled that the election was marred by multiple irregularities like the disenfranchisement of up to 16,640 eligible voters including then candidate, and petitioner Faridah Nambi Kigongo out of 27,000 registered. Also, that candidate Nalukoola personally campaigned on polling day at some polling stations in contravention of the electoral law. And while the ruling might have served justice to the petitioner, Faridah Nambi, and also given the NRM some temporary reprieve, looking at the unfolding judicial appeal, and general election political terrain, it would appear all will amount to nothing more than hubris. With the legal antics, and knowing Uganda’s judiciary dragging feet, it is unlikely the appeal can be concluded before August. As has been the case in many similar circumstances, Nalukoola, the loser in court, has appealed against the judgement, and will remain the sitting MP except if, the Court of Appeal upholds the same judgment, in which case there shall be no by-election as the duration will certainly be less than six months before the next general election. Otherwise, if the Appeals Court cancels the High Court judgment, Nalukoola will keep his seat until the term of the current parliament expires in May 2026. The lawyers would call this, litigating in vain, but from a media perspective, it has provided free political publicity for Nalukoola and NUP, leaving NRM gritting teeth. A better stratagem, rather than appeal, NUP could have dared NRM into an immediate byelection to keep in momentum for 2026. With almost ten of its 57 MPs deserting or being threatened with expulsion in a high-handed style of a public fallout, on mostly unsubstantiated accusations, many pundits think that NRM only needed to provide more ropes to NUP to tighten the noose around its own neck. The court route, although legitimate and fair, coming on the backdrop of unexplained controversies is likely to be seen by the broader political groupings merely as a political witch hunt by NRM, unwilling to cede even the smallest ground of its dominance. Yet with Mathias Nsamba Mpuuga (former LoP), Abed Bwanika MP Kimanya-Kabonera, and Juliet Nakabuye Kakande MP Masaka City all from the greater Masaka, getting kicked out, NUP even with the bravado being brazenly and noisily executed by an ever-frothing Muwanga Kivumbi, appears heading towards a self-prepared graveyard. Of course knowing the gullibility of voters especially in Buganda and few urban areas where on account of ethnic undertones, and economic issues, NUP won, it is still early to write off its sensational election survival in 2026. Afterall, even the much-despised Democratic Party (DP), loathed Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), and the recently down-graded Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) can still attract some voters. But the failure of NRM to learn from its own recent and recurring election miscalculations on itself which bolstered the rise of NUP and Robert Kyagulanyi is both uncanny and as well mystifying. NRM, at least officially, does not appear to notice the slow wave of disappointments gathering even among its own voters and supporters because of the lackluster style that matters, otherwise very serious, are being handled. Many hope that NRM doesn’t turn around in future to claim it was not forewarned. And as the old saying goes, a stitch in time saves nine. We still hope and work for the best, although some would say, it is all politics stupid.

By Ofwono Opondo

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30 May 2025

UGANDA'S POLITICS OF DO OR DIE; WE NEED TO RETHINK THIS WHOLE MUDDLE

Yes, we are now into that political season where the elite are seeking various political offices. Political service is no longer a calling to serve people. Make no mistake. Political offices are now the most paying ones both in remunerations but also the authority and power the bearers of those jobs carry. Indeed, the political season is near the corner. Primary elections for the various political parties that intend to pick those that will be flagbearers are beginning in August 2025. Come January of February 2026, the General elections will take place for the various political offices. These will include presidential, parliamentary and local council elections. So far there are all indications that these elections are going to be so hotly contested. There are also fears from most corners including security that there are so far all indications of threats violence and intimidation during this period. Intending candidates are already crisscrossing their constituencies informally canvassing for votes even when official nominations by the Electoral Commission have not yet taken place. Such early canvassing of votes involves spending a lot of money. This is the period for the voters to harvest back from those that want their votes come 2026. Candidates for the various political offices are already making grandstanding pledges to the voters. And it can only get hotter and hotter as we roll closer to the nomination days. The unfortunate thing is that we have crudely commercialized our politics and as a result, seeking an elective political office is becoming a matter of life and death. This is largely because of the accruing benefits that people enjoy once they win such contests. Truth is, they become instant billionaires. The stakes are so high, and one wonders how the situation will be early 2026. It is not surprising therefore, that the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) requested for an additional Shs 138 billion to provide increased security during the 2026 general elections. This was while presenting their next financial year budget, 2025/26. Equally, the Uganda Police requested for an additional Shs 300 billion in the next financial budget, 2025/2026 to also provide sufficient security during the 2026 general election. To those who are naïve they might think that this is an unnecessary financial request, but going by what is bubbling so far, we are in for the most hotly and violent election unless something is done to reverse the current trends. By refusing to change procedures, we are inviting political turmoil and instability and undermining our young democracy. And it is not too late. The Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs is in the process of bringing on board several bills for electoral reforms to parliament. One hopes that among those many electoral reforms bills, we include strong punitive measures that will be meted to those that are bastardly commercializing our politics. Maybe, it is time we made political rewards and remunerations so modest to disinterest many who are looking for quick enrichment. The abnormally enhanced political rewards, especially for members of parliament could be the reason this is becoming a do or die contest for those vying to become members of parliament. The commercialization of elections significantly undermines the essence of democratic integrity by giving financial influence an edge over the collective will of the population. The second aspect that impacts the conduct of free and fair elections is the commercialization of politics, particularly the electoral processes. This has indeed, over time, become a cancer in our democratic journey. In Uganda today, one requires over Shs 1 billion to win as a member of parliament. This inevitably drives aspirants to look for these bags of money. Some of them even go to the extent of selling off their hard-earned, obtained property so as to bribe voters and be voted into office. Uganda is in the same ‘elite’ league as Nigeria in terms of highly commercialized politics. We must curb this because the cost of this recklessness is very costly for us to live with. Because of such desperation, the contending candidates have gone to the gutters by making inciting statements and hence charging the voters into violent actions. Others have descended into tribal and ethnic incitements just to win voters. To them the end justifies the means. The events that are unfolding in Sembabule so far are alarming. The two camps of Hon. Theodore Sekikubo and Brig. (rtd) Emmanuel Rwashande must be restrained. Everything is pointing to a nasty contest. The Electoral Commission should be much empowered through tough legislation so that they are able to bite hard those that are debasing our electoral democracy. Such tough actions should include among others disqualifications at any stage if one veers off the electoral guidelines as set by the Electoral Commission. Uganda is bigger than some selfish political actors who think anything dirty should be unleashed onto the masses for them to occupy those juicy political offices. We have much to lose than gain if we allow such recklessness to continue. Democracy is not the problem in Uganda. Voting is the problem. We need a reasoned voice of the people in all this. Citizens should have the chance to obtain the best possible information and engage with each other and decide collectively upon their future. They should not be harassed and intimidated or even harmed. Every effort should be utilized by those of us in leadership to protect the masses from being exploited by those competing for various political offices. Unregulated elections can fuel nasty politics. If unregulated it can ruin our economies, create instability and the outcome can cause colossal problems for us all. We need to urgently reconsider the nature of our politics. This highly commercialized trend we are taking can fuel a systemic crisis. And as a result, we will undermine the democratic progress so far attained. Hon, Norbert Mao and team, you have a lot on your table as u prepare to table the various Electoral Reform bills to parliament. The Author is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

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24 May 2025

RUNNING FOR PARLIAMENT; MY OWN STORY AND STRENGTHENING THE NRM VOICE

A month has passed since I declared my intention to run for a seat to represent Older Persons (Eastern Region) in the 12th Parliament slated for 2026-2031, and the haggling with voters starting at the very bottom in Mulanda-Ayago village has been refreshing, if not daunting. Out of political discipline and courtesy, I had to consult directly, in a face-to-face, with President Yoweri Museveni, my appointing for the last quarter of a century, and then other senior colleagues. And I have to state, none disagreed with the decision for which am grateful as it reflects a broad support for my new journey. To the uninitiated, Older Persons in Uganda refers to people of 60 years and above, and in my case, Eastern Uganda stretches from the banks of river Nile in Jinja and bordering the plains of Karamoja, thus comprising the forty districts in Busoga, Bukedi, Bugisu, Sebei and Teso sub-regions. From Mulanda-Ayago I have had to get elected by NRM registered members to the parish, sub-county, and into the Tororo NRM Older Persons league to qualify as a member of the region electoral college for the MP flag-bearer. On the ground in Tororo, one feels pulpable support, and even unanimous consensus. Most certainly, by the time you read this column, I would have been elected to the district team. This race is more like a chess-game that I must now play in the forty districts up to February 2026 to win the MP seat. For some reason, my announcement seemed to have taken many, including my supposed friends and political colleagues by surprise, but well, that is how it ought to be. No singing your future plans to every Tom, Dick, Harry and Jerry. In any case, they rarely, if at all, keep their own plans with you. But for a fact, after 39 years, since 1986, as an NRM cadre, ideologue, and work-horse, I came to the conclusion that I needed, something politically more challenging than assignments by presidential appointments, although they have been rewarding as they put me much closer to the real corridors of hot power. As Spokesperson for the Movement Secretariat, President Yoweri Museveni and NRM election Taskforces, publicist for the NRM party, and Government for a combined and unbroken twenty-five years since 2000, man, one needs a new tour of duty. I could have gone to go rear ducks, grow coffee and beans, but on second consideration, very close friends said some tasks still remain undone. Now with loud parrots, and empty opposition political vessels, drumming even noisily, perhaps dangerously too, a parliamentary seat, especially as an NRM backbencher, there is certainly going to be a toast, to toss. Many, including from the few charitable opposition leaders and activists have publicly admitted that I would be a worthy opponent to face on that parliament floor. I will, when elected, certainly strengthen the NRM voice, where it matters most today and in the future. For the Older Persons, my direct constituency, it would be prudent to send a little younger minds, bodies, voice and legs that can still vigorously advocate, successfully follow up, and raise alternative policy platforms of the issues that matter most to this dwindling generation. In my view, issues of immediate concern include health insurance, adequate and flexible pension and social security benefits adjusted to inflation rates, discounted utility bills, and food-stamps for the most vulnerable especially those living rural and peri-urban single lives. Some of these policy issues will need to be included in the forthcoming NRM election manifesto. And of course there are the perennially thorny issues of delayed, diverted, or often stolen benefits meant for older persons. Looking at my long career in security, ideological mentorship, journalism and media, I count myself an allrounder capable of making a good legislator.

By Ofwono Opondo

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10 May 2025

NRM PRIMARY ELECTIONS; A MOMENTUM FOR A DECISIVE 2026 VICTORY

Like or hate it, NRM political party is the thing. The conduct this week, of the NRM voter registration verification update, election for party structures, and Local Council one (LC1) flag-bearers at the village grassroot level has generated political momentum. Preliminary results indicate a massive show up across the country, with most areas positions agreed upon through mutual consensus while others witnessed intense power struggles including fist-fights where police had to intervene. The contest for LC1 chairperson flag-bearer, on account of the village stamp, that a chairperson controls for transactions like livestock and land sale, was the most competitive and contentious with some candidates even fainting upon losing. With this massive turn up, active and impressive participation, NRM should be confident that it has already feet ahead towards victory in next year’s general elections at all levels, and our political adversaries NUP, FDC, UPC, and DP can only look for a few spoils to share among themselves, although the public should not be very surprised when they throw public tantrums. Ordinarily, if all these positions are fully constituted, NRM ought to have at the very least 2,232,000 village-grassroot leaders. Unfortunately, perhaps due to poor mobilisation, and considering that all are voluntary, in many villages, the executive committees of the five party organs, otherwise called leagues, remained unfilled. Thus, the NRM boast, of being a mass and grassroot party, need to be taken with a light dose of caution. These grassroots activities are great for general mobilisation, vital for strengthening and sustaining party organisation. A credible and up-to-date register indicating a member’s serial number, full names, date of birth, national identity card and voter registration detail, now allows NRM to identify and engage genuine members, and as well look out to fish beyond its borders. By holding these multiple elections at the village level, the foundation of NRM political structure, we should ensure that NRM remains relevant and strong from the bottom-up. This process also gives NRM a further opportunity to collect the views and aspirations of the public which should form the next election manifesto and policy agenda. In these times of widespread heightened political anger, cynicism, and polarisation, NRM must lead the way towards ameliorating inclusive discourse on harmony, while also get ready for a decisive confrontation with the looming tide of dark forces of election fraud, bribery, intimidation, aggression and violence especially during the election of MP flag-bearers. As NRM heads to the next series of internal elections for parishes, sub-counties, districts, and primaries for MPs, it must anticipate and plan better how to manage the headwinds from winners, and the unsuccessful because it is usually at the upper stages that the stakes are really high, evoking unimaginable violence . And yet, what should matter most is the unity of purpose that follows for the greater good of the party, democracy and country. Going by past experiences, hordes of ministers and sitting MPs are destined be felled by novice newcomers especially in these times when they are seen to have unfairly dipped their hands in the public till. The match-up, between former Parliament Speaker of ten years, Rebecca Rebeca Kadaga, and current Speaker Annet Anita Among, both with political pluck to settle scores, for the Second National vice chairperson (female) and member NRM Central Executive Committee (CEC), is a race to watch. As already seen at the lower stages of these elections, voters can make the illicit money not count for much to the not-so-clean politicians hoping to use soft money to win seats. Together, and in coordination, Ugandans can actually make those being accused of corruption and other forms of malfeasance pay by voters receiving the salt, sugar, soap, money and whatever else may be distributed, but deny giving them the votes they so much need to further feather their nests.

By Ofwono Opondo

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03 May 2025

NUP: A GATHERING DANGER THAT GOVERNMENT, NRM SHOULDN’T IGNORE

The National Unity Platform (NUP) opposition party, essentially a tribal outfit, riding on a largely false social discontent, has threatened to make Buganda, ‘a no-go area’ for president Yoweri Museveni and NRM in the forthcoming general elections. Probably it is not clear to them if NRM too, was to make its very broad strongholds a ‘no-go area’ to NUP and its boisterous leaders. It appears, that having been left to physically torment and assault NRM supporters during the aftermath of the constitutional changes of removing the presidential age-limit in 2017, NUP leaders and activists have got emboldened to do as they like. It is the law, that every Ugandan as long as is law-abiding is free to traverse and indeed live in any part of Uganda, and so NUP leaders who think that politics in ‘Buganda’ should exclusively be theirs ought to be decisively confronted and rejected both through law enforcement measures, and democratic civil political mobilisation led by the NRM. While publicly crying and shedding tears of a victim, NUP leaders, especially Robert Kyagulanyi, MP Muwanga Kivumbi and Joel Bisekezi Ssenyonyi, currently the Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LoP) are turning into a present and increasingly a gathering grave danger for a pluralistic democracy and society. It is important and necessary, for these NUP leaders, to perhaps step back and engage in self-introspection before they travel down this slippery road, or indeed climb up a greasy pole from which they could fall with a heavy thud. The demise, and evident limbo in which UPC, DP, and very recently FDC, all previously troublesome riding rough shoulders, find themselves in today ought to be good lessons to those with good listening ears, and political eye sights. NUP with its so-called ‘foot soldiers’ that foment trouble at the slightest, is akin to UPC’s ‘youth-wingers’, DP-Mobilizers and Uganda Young Democrats, and FDC’s aggregators of the walk-to-work, Defiance, and Civil Disobedience. Listening to the verbal violent rhetoric, and observing the body language of NUP lead activists, one cannot fail to notice a group, hell-bent on sowing hate politics of tribal and sectarian chauvinism, and actual physical violence against those they perceive to beas ‘enemies’. On social media, NUP activists are prowling, taking advantage of the technology of artificial intelligence to generate and spread false rumours, incite hate, conjure fake news, disinformation, photoshops and even announcing the death of those they see as their, and Uganda’s ‘problems’. On the ground, on roads, streets and at public gatherings, they tout and provoke ill-feelings and unnecessary confrontations, completely unbothered of the larger ramifications of their actions in the long-run to Uganda’s body politick. And unfortunately, the truncated opposition groups, that pass for opposition political parties, FDC, UPC and DP are completely out of form to face up this growing threat posturing as an alternative. The rise, and growing adversarial, anarchist, fearsome NUP-style gang politics, is an indictment on the NRM which came as a revolutionary and national liberation vanguard organisation to infuse fresh life in Uganda that had been traumatized by the two and a half decades of Milton Obote, Idi Amin Dada, and the short-live illiterate military of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa and Bazilio Olara Okello. Even in the remotest possibility of NUP, in its current form and style, let alone the evident shallowness, as a possible alternative to lead Uganda should frighten most Ugandans, and ought to accorded the same treatment given to the former FDC. In that sense, NRM using its leverage in government and society, has an urgent obligation to Ugandans to recalibrate its own and Uganda’s politics to generate freshness, hope, and a new consensus towards a truly harmonious political engagements. The politics of war-war, and jaw-jaw cannot create a conducive environment for an inclusive and shared socio-economic transformation that Uganda so much desire.

By Ofwono Opondo

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19 April 2025

TRUMP TRADE TARIFFS OVERRATED: CHINA REMAINS THE REAL ECONOMIC DEAL

One would expect a thorough study before major policy shift announcements, but it seems Donald Trump’s tariffs are a kneejerk response to US’s growing inability to compete effectively in a ‘free’ market economy it had preached when world conditions still favored it. Consequently, Trump appears to smash the glass doors, make U-turns, cuts back, gives unilateral unexplained exemptions like this week on one million iPhones sets alongside semiconductors, solar cells, memory cards and other electronic devises imports from China, hoping no one noticed. By that silent stroke, Trump exempted China’s single biggest export by value to the US. China’s response should be strategic, targeted and surgical stopping importation of over 250 metric tons of chicken feet annually from US worth US 469m dollars, oilseeds, soybeans, corn and wheat , and raise control of rare earth minerals export to the US. A string of humiliation in Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Afghanistan, the US is smiting with a vengeance in a new world where its superpower prowess cannot dictate terms like the yesteryears. A superpower that rose, maintained and still seeks to keep its status through old trickery, lopsided rules, bullying, blackmail, robbery, and when all fail, brute force, will not last long, is staring into a dark pit, waiting to implode. The world is seeing Trump’s cold calculations delivered with bluster as he hides in plain view, but he thinks he is in a thick forest. And all Trump’s megalomaniac tactics are good lessons for the world particularly Africa which has marginally survived on the periphery since Eden. Trump’s America is failing to innovate and compete with China at the global stage and hence resorting to blackmail and applying its well-known strongarm tactics. A superpower that slapped trade embargo on poor African countries for simply refusing to buy used secondhand clothes, women’s knickers and bras from the US, doesn’t deserve respect. Trump is in trepidation of China’s supercharged smart technology, cost-effective labor, and global network for raw materials under the Road and Belt Initiative enabling it to build robust industrial, manufacturing, assembly and trading infrastructure especially in emerging territories hitherto sidelined by the west. A superpower that fears, and cannot face competition in a ‘free’ capitalist world it preached for ages to others when still convenient, is simply overrated. And with a population of 1.4bn that rose from obscurity only 40 years ago when America and its western allies didn’t support it, China cannot be browbeaten into line today. Likewise Trump’s push for Russia-Ukraine settlement, is a calculated lullaby to divert world attention from Israel’s war crime underway in Gaza and its land grab dubbed ‘expanding security corridor’ without anyone waving it down. It is a heartless naked double standard that has exposed US exceptionalism even to the dumbest watchers of global politics. Trump’s demand to NATO members to increase their defence spending though prudent, aims to force them lockdown Russia while US focuses mainly on China. That way, there is division of labour in the imperial war of attrition, and hope to easily succeed. In the smog of Trump’s muddled Russia-Ukraine meddling, global sweeping trade tariffs for protectionism, and his domestic disputes, he seems to be succeeding in shielding Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu from any meaningful scrutiny by the UN or their own western allies who often posture as the defenders of human rights and international rules. Since the collapse of the temporary peace deal for hostage, and prisoner swap, Israel has resumed its indiscriminate bombing of Gaza’s defenseless women and children, and doesn’t hide its cynicism referring to victims as Hamas militants. The US, UK, France and Germany face crumbling public infrastructure in energy, health, education and employment because they can no longer steal from the world with impunity, and unable to return to glorious manufacturing when they confiscate other’s assets as done to Russia and Venezuela.

By Ofwono Opondo