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09 July 2025

UGANDA'S POLITICAL PARTY PRIMARIES; A MARKET PLACE FOR POWER

We are in a period when political parties in Uganda are carrying out internal party elections to determine the candidates they will send into the general elections. The political temperature is high for both the candidates and their supporters, as reported in the media. My observations of the happenings in different parties have left me questioning the relevance of primaries given these media reports. Recently in Uganda, political offices seem like a do-or-die situation where one will do anything to secure a party ticket or office. This leaves one wondering where the love for the people stems from, given that candidates peg their manifestos on what they will do for the people. Is that why they put everything they have worked for, including their integrity, at stake? We have heard some political parties being accused of selling their tickets, while others are heavily run by political power brokers who determine who represents the party, disregarding capabilities. Meaning it is no longer about who is the most suitable representative of the people but who has the most money and who appeases the power brokers. Political party primaries have increasingly turned into a marketplace, a space where money and connections matter more than values and ideas. This could be one of the reasons some people choose to stay away from participating in politics by offering themselves for office or even coming out to vote. The candidates are forced to appease political power brokers who hold influence within parties or communities and act as gatekeepers to political positions. Some are party leaders, local council officials, or even wealthy businesspeople. These power brokers promise to "deliver votes" to candidates in exchange for money or favors. Some of these brokers even rig results at polling stations or manipulate party registers to favor their preferred candidates. During primaries, it is common to see candidates dishing out money, sugar, soap, T-shirts, and even alcohol to voters in exchange for votes. Many voters take the chance to take whatever they can because they believe once the candidate is voted in, they are going to eat and will never return. In some areas, people openly say, "We will eat their money and vote for them," while others take the bribes and actually vote for the highest bidder. This means the candidate who spends the most often ends up winning, not the one with the best vision or leadership skills. The common result is capable leaders are sidelined, and corrupt, unqualified individuals make it to the ballot paper. When such people get into power, they will concentrate on recovering the money they spent during the primary elections and campaigns. Then the very voters will be left crying about being neglected by the leaders they voted to represent them, and this goes on every election period. Political party primaries are more than just internal party processes. They set the tone for the general elections. Choosing a strong, capable, and clean candidate during political party primaries gives the voters a better choice of candidate in the main election. This is the reason why things cannot continue the way they are. When main players like the National Resistance Movement (NRM), the National Unity Platform (NUP), and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) poorly manage their internal primaries, the impact is felt nationally. If these parties cannot be trusted to conduct fair internal elections, how can we expect them to champion democracy at the national level? Political party primaries are an opportunity for parties to put their best foot forward by choosing candidates who will not only appease the small section of their party diehards but will appeal to other parties and the general population. Party primaries should give the country a chance to choose leaders who will drive the development and well-being of the people in the general election. With the way things are going, are political party primary elections strengthening the political system or causing internal party strife and weakening party structures by putting focus on individual candidates rather than party manifestos? The electoral commission and political parties should enforce strict laws on dealing with voter bribery, and party leaders should allow their members to choose their leaders freely without the interference of power brokers. Carolyne Muyama Uganda Media Centre

By Carolyne Muyama

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09 July 2025

MUHOOZI KAINERUGABA SHAKING UP MBUYA HILL

Muhoozi Kainerugaba is shaking up Mbuya Hill. The Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) is sifting the wheat from the chaff. In recent weeks, the media has been awash with news reports of the CDF cracking down on entrenched, systemic corruption at Mbuya Hill, the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) headquarters, by effecting arrests of high-ranking military officers in the UPDF, suspected of engaging in corruption and many Ugandans have welcomed the news. After being appointed CDF in 2024, the fiercely patriotic Kainerugaba made it clear that when it comes to stamping out corruption, no one is untouchable and he has followed through on his promise. Towards the end of June this year, in a radioed message, the CDF ordered an inquest to investigate, “The gross and flagrant acts of disinformation and deception committed by officers.” The Oxford dictionary defines disinformation as, ‘false information which is intended to mislead, especially propaganda issued by a government organization to a rival power or the media.’ Corruption is nothing to be proud about. Corrupt people are not clever; they are crafty individuals who frustrate infrastructure development and deny citizens decent goods and services. As for these corrupt military officers, who are under investigation, not only does their highly unpatriotic behavior violate the army code of conduct, it is disconcerting to learn that they even went as far as staging fake ‘terrorist attacks’ to compel an increment in the counter-terrorism budget, for self-enrichment. Squandering security funds is a security threat in itself, as it endangers national security. What will happen if (God forbid!) a real terrorist strikes, and our army is caught unawares, because counter-terrorism money has been ‘eaten’ by a corruption syndicate? “There will be no mercy for the corrupt,” Kainerugaba warned, reiterating his firm anti-corruption stance, while addressing a Uganda Airforce College graduation ceremony on Thursday, July 3, 2025. Fatigued by years of corruption scandals, what Ugandans want now is a person in a position of authority who is ready to stamp out corruption once and for all, not empty rhetoric; and that is what they see in Kainerugaba. The CDF not only abhors corruption, he has consistently sought soldiers’ welfare, by providing good meals, building decent accommodation, ensuring salary increment and promoting sports. The security budget is classified. Every financial year, security takes the lion’s share of the national budget; understandably so, since we are a landlocked country and we have to protect our borders from enemies, both domestic and foreign. A classified budget implies that accountability has to be handled with high moral integrity, especially since the security budget is in trillions of shillings. In Luke 3:14 (NlV) when the Roman soldiers approached John the Baptist at the River Jordan, asking him what they should do, he advised them on their code of conduct saying, “Don’t extort money and don’t accuse people falsely—be content with your pay.” When you grow up in a peaceful country like Uganda, it is easy to take peace for granted because you do not know what living in a war-torn country feels or looks like—except in the movies. Uganda is a haven of peace; so much so that when it comes to refugees, it is the number one refugee-hosting country in Africa and the third globally. Uganda hosts refugees from South Sudan, DRC Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Rwanda and Burundi. Psalm 127:1 (NKJV) says, ‘Unless the LORD guards the city, The watchman stays awake in vain.’ While we thank God for the prevailing peace and security, Uganda is currently enjoying, we should not take it for granted. For God and my country. The Writer works for Uganda Media Centre

By Josepha Jabo

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08 July 2025

KENYA’S ENDLESS GEN Z POLITICAL PROTESTS; A TIPPING TIME BOMB

By Obed K Katureebe Kenya’s Generation Z teams were last week on the streets of Nairobi again ostensibly to commemorate one year since they protested the new tax policies passed by parliament in June 2024. They were also remembering some of their colleagues who were arrested and those that died as police and other security agencies attempted to manage the ensuing chaos. Sadly, it is said that eight people lost their lives in this second round of protests. Kenya’s Constitution affirms the inalienable right to protest under Article 37 which states that, every person has the right, peaceably and unarmed, to assemble, to demonstrate, to picket, and to present petitions to public authorities. Granted. The worry is, how will the protesters manage the excesses that come with such endless protests where selfish persons turn such moments into occasions to deprive peoples’ property through robbery. And then of course selfish politicians who want to use such moments to drive their agenda of tarnishing the image of the government in power and get political mileage. In the first round of protests, Kenya’s Gen Z were protesting tax bills that had been enacted by parliament but were deemed prohibitive. Kenyans felt those taxes were hell bent to increase the cost of living. People across Kenya cheered the Gen Z and indeed government was sensitive enough to quash those laws and assured citizens that nothing was going to change. Shockingly, this did not make the Gen Z to get out of the streets, they instead shifted the goal posts and demanded the sitting president William Ruto to leave office. The protests unfortunately degenerated into violence and people shops were looted, some building including the Uganda House in the central business area of Nairobi was set on fire and everything was tilting into total chaos until government called in the army to tame the mess. Indeed, the mess was tamed at a huge cost though. Last week protests were equally destructive as the so-called Gen Z were involved in looting and destroying supermarkets and other physical infrastructure, they got their hands on before police arrived. Shocking is the fact that some politicians joined in these anniversary protests largely to increase pressure on the ruling government to either abdicate “the throne” or continue to taint their image before the citizens until the next circle of elections where they hope to score political dividends. As it is turning out, these are no longer the youth who are demanding for political accountability, they are now embedded with politicians and are demanding for regime change using protests. Their catch word says it all, ‘Ruto Must Go’. They are building something like the Orange Revolution of Ukraine in 2004 or the Tahir Square protests that toppled the government of President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt in 2011. Copying from their Kenyan colleagues, Uganda’s Gen Z also tried to cause similar protests last year by raiding Parliament in July 2024 accusing it of being corrupt. This was after many media stories in both traditional and new media depicted parliament as a house of making dirty financial deals. These were however, nipped in the bud and their protests were not as big as those in Kenya. No property was destroyed, and the disruption was very negligible. True, Kenya and other African governments must address the restive young populations and optimally to address political exclusion, poverty, inequalities, and unemployment. However, this must be done in a way that does not threaten peace and tranquillity of the entire country and probably drive the country into a civil unrest. These mass protests could easily spiral out of hand and result in the violent collapse of the government. These Gen Zs are not different from the Arab Springs in the northern Africa that saw the collapse of at least three governments and disrupted others in 2011. But apart from collapsing autocratic three governments in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya they literally changed nothing. In fact, they removed one group of the so-called autocrats and another one emerged. This time some countries like Libya collapsed completely. As we speak, Libya is literally a failed state with no central government. It is a country divided and ruled by sections of dangerous militia groups. They only succeeded in hugely disrupting their economies and reversed their development programmes and millions of lives were lost. In Egypt, a democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi was arrested by the army in a coup and later he died in prison. Twelve years after the mass popular uprising known as the Arab Spring began in January of 2011, optimism can be hard to find. Despite the participation of thousands of people particularly the young against the ‘autocratic’ rulers, little seems to have changed. Tunisians brought down a dictator and established a representative democracy, but that fledgling republic is still struggling. Other countries, such as Egypt, have only replaced one military ruler (Hosni Mubarak) for another (Abdel Fattah el-Sisi), while still others, like Libya, there is nothing to write about once a thriving modern country. For all we have known, Kenya is a country that embraces dialogue. After the 2007 general election mess, the two main protagonists i.e. Raila Odinga and president Mwai Kibaki (RIP)dialogued, and peace returned. The two worked out power sharing deal with the help of mediators and armistice was reached. Even after the gruelling 2022 general elections that had current president William Ruto squaring up with Raila Odinga in which Ruto emerged winner with small majority though, Ruto was kind enough to speak to his nemesis Raila Odinga for a peace deal. Similar deals involving the restless Gen Zs should be pursued such that this great country does not slide into ungovernable levels. There is no need for any other young man or woman to be dying through street protests. Their lives matter. The writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

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05 July 2025

NRM, FDC, NUP, DP, UPC: STARING THE SEASON OF ELECTION DISCONTENT

The political, but some would more appropriately, described it as the season of election discontent is upon every major political party in Uganda today, with the noisy FDC and NUP being the biggest losers, by way of defection and lack of direction. DP of Norbert Mao, and UPC of James Akena-son to Apollo Milton Obote, Uganda’s president, toppled twice by illiterate army Generals, look disfigured bystanders. But I must admit, Akena trying to re-configure UPC purely on nostalgia, could be a slight headache for the NRM in Lango sub-region. FDC has suffered a rumbling fallout that has left it a shell, after ten of its twenty-nine MPs decamped to an offshoot called the Peoples’ Front for Freedom (PFF) that has gathered tribal political activists, who may not deliver much. The line up of FDC, mainly Kizza Besigyeists into PFF comprise Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, Moses Kabusu, Kamara, Francis Mwijukye (Buhweju), Naboth Namanya (Rubabo), Betty Aol Ocan (Gulu), Tonny Harold Muhindo (Bukonzo East) , Nakato Asinansi (Hoima City), while Atkins Kutushabe (Bukonzo West) remains undecided but hobnobs with both groups. Into NRM from FDC came Anthony Akol (Kilak North), Moses Okot (Kioga County), Emmaneul Ongyertho (Jonam), and from NUP, NRM clinched Dr Twaha Kagabo (Bukoto South). Martin Ojara Mapenduzi (Bardege) originally in FDC has joined NRM, while Jimmy Lwanga (Njeru Municipality) galivants with the Patriotic League linked to some NRM leaders. This FDC and PFF coterie, has spent two decades attacking President Yoweri Museveni, but neither learnt how to manage themselves nor produce a working prospectus, and they are unlikely to get it right any time soon. And having failed to gain traction since 2018 when he broke off from FDC, Mugisha and his Alliance National Transformation (ANT) have now joined the same group they fled from seven years ago, to what end, only the gods can predict. Also, rehearsing the twenty-year old FDC stale cries and style is unlikely to inspire more useful followers to NUP. Already, as the lead opposition in parliament, it has suffered a major setback with six of its 57 MPs abandoning ship. Two of its MPs, Dr Twaha Kagabo and….have joined NRM, while four to DA yet NUP is spending so much energy struggling to burn Mpuuga and his political sidekicks to the ground regardless of the political cost which they may live to regret by which time it could be too late. Many now consider Robert Kyagulanyi and his crew, a disaster that should be discarded during the forthcoming general elections, unfortunately, election politics is stupid. Its premier former Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LoP) Mathias Mpuuga founded the Democratic Alliance (DA) whose top leadership, unveiled in Masaka last week, resembles a disgruntled tribal clans’ meeting. Mpuuga, Dr Abed Bwanika, Juliet Kakande, Michael Kakembo, Michael Mabiike, Lubega Mukaku. And although DA is squealing loudly, it is most likely chasing a mirage. While NRM may not suffer defections, the background noise from its impending internal elections is scary. Candidates, and in fact competing factions seem to have put so much at stake, and are unwilling to have a clean process let alone reach compromise for the greater good. While freewheel democracy may be good, letting candidates, even of dubious intentions to sprout like wild mushrooms portends a lasting danger, but unfortunately it is too late to stop anyone. And the battered public service delivery, especially on social amenities, physical infrastructure, and sprawling impunity of leaders, remain a throbbing headache to a smooth election campaigns being monitored by a vigilant social media and citizen journalism, both necessary to defend democracy and good governance. Already, some prominent NRM candidates, including ministers have been captured on camera and trending on Tik Tok, gleefully distributing money to voters at campaign venues, and doesn’t look decent.

By Ofwono Opondo

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04 July 2025

HOW NAMPA USED 500K FROM PDM TO BUILD A STEADY INCOME AND TRANSFORM HER LIFE

President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is moving around the country, encouraging people to work hard and take part in government efforts to fight poverty. On Thursday 20th June, the President took his message of wealth creation to Greater Mukono. He asked Ugandans to warmly welcome and use the Parish Development Model (PDM) to improve their lives. During his visit, the President stopped at the home of Ms. Nampa Harriet in Mangaliba village, Namayiba Parish, Nakisunga Sub-County in Mukono District. Ms. Harriet is one of the many Ugandans trying to improve her household income through hard work. The President said Uganda would be far ahead in development if more people like Harriet joined and used government programs to grow their earnings at home. Ms. Nampa Harriet from Mangaliba village is a shining example of how the Parish Development Model (PDM) is changing lives. Her journey is one of courage, honesty, and hard work. When the government introduced the PDM program and offered each beneficiary up to one million shillings, many rushed to take the full amount. But Nampa made a surprising choice. She humbly accepted only shs 500,000 which is half of what was offered because she knew it was what she could afford to pay back. “In my whole life,” she said, “I had never held one million shillings. I feared it. I didn’t want to take on a burden I couldn’t manage.” With the shs 500,000 she received in 2023, Nampa bought three piglets and began her journey of transformation. Within a short time, the pigs multiplied. She was able to sell 25 piglets at Shs 100,000 each, earning Shs.2.5 million. From that money, she bought a dairy cow. Today, that cow gives her seven litres of milk every day. She sells five liters at Shs.2,000 each, making a steady monthly income of about Shs 300,000. This success has not only improved her household income but also given her confidence and pride in her hard work. Ms. Nampa Harriet has shown that you don’t need millions to change your life. With determination and a clear plan, what President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni calls “ekibalo”, she moved from small-scale farming into the money economy. Her story proves that even with a modest start, success is possible if you use what you have wisely and invest it in a well thought manner. Grateful and full of hope, Ms. Nampa thanked the President for introducing the Parish Development Model. Because of it, she can now support her family, send her children to school, and earn a steady income from her dairy business. “I never thought my life would change like this,” she shared with a smile. Her story is a powerful reminder to all Ugandans that the President’s message of wealth creation is not just talk, it’s working miracles out there. People like Nampa are living proof that PDM funds, when used correctly, can uplift households and bring real change. To those who have embraced the program, like Ms. Nampa, we say kudos. This money is not a handout or a reward, it is a chance to build a better future. And to those who doubt the Parish Development Model, her success is a clear message: this program is truly changing lives across Uganda.

By David Serumaga

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01 July 2025

THE PRESIDENT'S DIRECTIVE TO EVICT THE BALAALO WAS DONE IN GOOD FAITH

Following the president's eviction order for the Balaalo community, the media has been flooded with stories about their legitimate land ownership and the housing crisis they face. On 26th June 2025, I watched Balaalo members protesting outside parliament, trying to engage the speaker to stop the directive on one of the televisions. The Balaalo, a group of pastoralists originally from western Uganda, migrated to northern Uganda a decade ago in search of grazing opportunities. Reports indicate that some members obtained land through leasing or purchasing, while others have occupied communal land using deceptive methods and without the consent of clan leaders, as claimed by local northern residents. On June 1, 2025, the president enacted Executive Order Number 2 of 2025 concerning the eviction of the Balaalo. This order follows a previous directive, Executive Order No. 3, which was issued in 2023. The president presents four main reasons why continued Balaalo presence is untenable: Insufficient fenced grazing zones and permanent water supplies exist, even in areas where land has been secured. Ongoing land tenure conflicts in communal regions result in internal strife and violence. Uncontrolled fencing obstructs access to essential natural resources such as rivers and fishing locations. Inequitable crop destruction jeopardizes food security and stability in host communities. The president highlights criminal and unjust practices, asserting, "It is criminal and extremely unfair to the locals to allow free ranging cattle in these areas, as they will inevitably trample and consume people’s crops." He further explains that during the dry season, as pastoralists seek distant water sources for their cattle, the animals will damage the crops in local gardens. Regarding communal land and land sales, the president notes that the communal land tenure system, combined with individual land sales, can lead to disputes. This is particularly true when local land conflicts are exacerbated by the influx of outsiders, creating a situation ripe for significant issues. The president advocates for a total ban on the movement of free-ranging livestock from outside these areas and calls for the criminalization of this practice. He also proposes the establishment of a committee to verify claims of legitimate land purchases and to ensure secure fencing, permanent water sources, and unobstructed access to water. With the auditing process, the president expresses concern over the legitimacy of certain types of land acquisitions made by these pastoralists. He questions whether the pastoralists purchased clan land, family land, or private land, or if they were victims of fraudulent sales by unscrupulous individuals. Individuals who have rightfully obtained land or secured a land lease, and whose farms comply with the president's guidelines, such as having reliable water sources and fencing, should not be affected by Executive Order No. 2, as the audit will clear them. Those affected by the executive order will depart quietly and peacefully, either returning to their previous location or following the president’s recommendation to acquire land legitimately and begin raising their cattle with proper fencing and permanent water sources, given that Free-Range Cattle Grazing in Northern and Eastern Uganda is prohibited. In this context, the president’s executive orders regarding the Balaalo are made in good faith, not ill will. The writer works with Uganda Media Centre

By Nanteza Sarah Kyobe

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26 June 2025

APPRECIATING INDONESIA PROF. MUHAMMAD YUNUS’ MICROFINANCE AND UGANDA’S PARISH DEVELOPMENT MODEL

Born in Bangladesh on June 28, 1940, Yunus completed his BA and MA at Bangladesh's Dhaka University. After graduating, he taught economics at Chittagong University, before receiving a Fulbright scholarship to study in the United States. In the early 1970s, Yunus completed his PhD in economics at Vanderbilt University. Following his studies, Yunus returned to Bangladesh to become the head of Chittagong University's economics department. Around the time of Yunus' return to Bangladesh, a famine had swept through the country. He became aware that the poor needed access to capital to start small businesses and that banks generally weren't willing to help them, either refusing requests outright or charging extortionate interest rates. In 1976, Yunus took matters into his own hands, loaning very small sums of money, reportedly $27, to 42 local women who needed to buy materials to produce their products. Traditional banks wouldn’t offer loans or lines of credit to people without collateral, yet Yunus believed that the very poorest of a culture could raise their own small business activity and their station with microcredit and microloans. It was this "discovery" of microcredit that would lead him toward the beginnings of forming the Grameen bank and his future Nobel Prize. Yunus began borrowing money from other banks to make loans to the poor, initially as part of a pilot program that ran from 1976 to 1983. In 1983, Yunus formally opened the Grameen (Village) bank, which served as a way to offer microcredit to entry-level and subsistence entrepreneurs. By June 2020, Grameen Bank had given $30.48 billion dollars worth of loans to some of the world's poorest people. Perhaps more importantly, Yunus' scheme and his promotion of microcredit led to the formation of hundreds of similar projects in nations around the globe. As of 2020, Grameen Bank has roughly nine million borrowers, 97% of which are women, with a near-perfect repayment rate. Yunus pioneered microfinance to give the unbanked rural poor, especially women, access to credit for self-employment and small businesses. The aim was to create bottom-up development where economic growth starts with the most marginalized. Introduced in 2022, PDM is Uganda’s flagship poverty eradication and wealth creation program. It targets the 39% of Ugandans in the subsistence economy, aiming to transition them into the money economy using parish-level SACCOs (Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations). Microloans offered without collateral UGX 100 million per parish per year through SACCOs group lending model to reduce risk community-based SACCOs managed at parish level Women-focused financial empowerment Target: women, youth, elderly, PWDs (People with Disabilities). Key similarities Entrepreneurial use: small businesses, agriculture Target use: agro-processing, farming, services Targeting the Unbanked: Both models aim at financially excluded populations, especially rural households. Decentralized Implementation: Grameen works at village level; PDM is based at the parish, the smallest government unit. Community Participation: Both rely on local governance and peer support, though PDM is state-driven. Promotion of Self-Help: Emphasis on productive use of funds, not handouts—borrowers/investors are expected to generate returns. Key Differences Yunus Model (Grameen Bank) Parish Development Model (PDM) NGO-driven, globally scalable Government-driven, Uganda-specific Market-tested over decades Still in early implementation stage Self-financing through loan interest Heavily reliant on government funding High emphasis on social metrics (education, health, etc.) Mostly focused on household incomes and enterprise growth Impact on Financial Inclusion in Uganda (Observed & Potential) Positive Developments: Expansion of financial access at grassroots through SACCOs. Increased capitalization of rural enterprise. Inclusion of special interest groups (women, youth, PWDs). Government focus on production for the market, not just consumption. Challenges & Risks (Mirroring Microfinance History): Weak SACCO governance can lead to misuse or non-recovery of funds. Lack of financial literacy may lead to poor investment choices. Politicization of funds and pressure to disburse without due diligence (unlike Yunus' disciplined peer lending). Limited monitoring frameworks could affect impact tracking and sustainability. Conclusion: Lessons from Yunus for Uganda’s PDM Uganda’s PDM can draw critical lessons from Yunus’ microfinance philosophy: Emphasize borrower responsibility and accountability. Train and support local financial institutions (SACCOs) the way Grameen trained its staff. Focus on women empowerment, not just equal distribution. Ensure sustainability by encouraging savings and reinvestment rather than over-reliance on government injection. The Writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

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21 June 2025

UGANDA MEDIA, JOURNALISTS: THE CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE FOR NUP

An otherwise capricious political group, the so-called National Unity Platform (NUP) just passed off what it called its national delegates conference at which top party-political entrepreneurs were crowned, retaining their coveted seats, during which the media was sealed out. And the Uganda media houses, their journalists, and those that pass for political critics seeking genuine democracy and good governance seem to be accomplices in what many see as a conspiracy of silence. Just from where, the selection process, number and who constituted the NUP national delegates conference that ratified leadership installation remain a puzzle, yet the ever zealously intrusive Uganda media is completely silent. They are not asking any of the hard questions that should enlist some answers, and if not, at the very least, intelligent responses from a group that outwardly claims to represent progressive change. As political partisans, who have taken sides, the Uganda media and most of those who pass for journalists , are letting the country down, and quite frankly, their own future doesn’t look that bright, professionally. And as was with the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) in its heydays, under Kizza Besigye, the then doyen, were never put to strict scrutiny, NUP and its donkey-leader Robert Kyagulanyi a.k.a. Bobi Wine, are being treated to a free pass. The consequence of that conspiracy of silence in aid of FDC and Besigye partly led them to hoodwink Ugandans for quite a while making the current implosions look a surprise, yet the FDC architects were all along up to no good. The silence of convenience in favour of Besigye during the early stages of his political belligerence, and now for Kyagulanyi’s handwork, will haunt the building of a credible opposition in Uganda for years to come. And yet, without any sense of self shame, the media, journalists and political critics will, in the next few weeks come to lambast and rail against the NRM even for simplest errors by individual candidates or leaders however isolated the cases of election malpractices may be. Just as a reminder, only a week ago, the same media troops were harpooning Democratic Party (DP) President General Norbert Mao who is no longer their preferred choice over what they termed a chaotic’ delegates conference in Mbarara. They even alleged that the invitation of Gen. (rtd) Salim Saleh Rufu a.k.a, Caleb Akandwanaho as the guest speaker, was sacrilegious as it portrayed, without evidence, that he funded the DP meeting. Of course all this had been seen coming ever since Mao, construed as a political sellout, made amends with NRM and President Yoweri Museveni. The vicious malevolence of NUP leaders and their so-called ‘foot soldiers’ who stalk supposed political opponents on the media and at public squares like when they beat up NRM supporters simply when found wearing yellow garments are never condemned in editorials by the media or journalists. Instead, they are rationalized for as appropriate retributions for the alleged mistakes of the state currently run by NRM. So, for those political conspirators, egging NUP and now Popular Front for Freedom (PFF), again just remember how you treated Aggrey Siryoyi Awori or Cecilia Ogwal you nicknamed ‘Iron lady’, both gone to their ancestors, and how much a political shambles they both ended. It was Shakespeare, who in Julius Ceasar, wrote, “There is a tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the floods, leads on to fortune; Omitted, all voyage of their life is bound in shallows and in miseries.” Quite often, not only they, but their institutions and nations too. NUP, as currently the leading opposition in parliament and possibly country, ought to be held to the same highest standards they demand of NRM if good governance is considered major plank for public discourse.

By Ofwono Opondo

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16 June 2025

UNDERSTANDING WHY SECURITY IS GETTING TOUGH ON NUP RADICALIZED YOUTH BRIGADES

The rise of militant street-level activism in Uganda, especially among National Unity Platform (NUP) youthful political foot soldiers, draws unsettling parallels with the early tactics of the Hitler Youth and the infamous Brownshirts (Sturmabteilung, or SA) of Nazi Germany. This is not to suggest ideological equivalence—but in terms of methods, symbolism, and the normalization of violence, the similarities are too significant to ignore. The National Unity Platform (NUP), Uganda’s leading opposition movement, has not emerged from a sincere grassroots desire for reform. Rather, it is increasingly apparent that NUP functions as a political instrument of foreign interests—most notably some Western powers and their proxies who seek to destabilize Uganda for geopolitical leverage. The party’s rhetoric of “change” masks a deeper agenda: the fragmentation of national unity, erosion of public order, and eventual subjugation of Uganda to external influence. This foreign-backed activism has taken on an increasingly confrontational, militarized form. Red berets are worn like combat uniforms. Group drills, martial language, and street mobilizations have become normalized. The so-called NUP “foot soldiers” now resemble not protestors but paramilitary cells. What begins as political organizing crosses the line into coercion, disruption, and street warfare. In Germany, government is considering banning the biggest opposition political party, the Alternative for Germany (AFD) because the domestic intelligence organ, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) confirmed that they Right Wing extremists. Therefore, taming and disciplining those perpetuating political extremism should be curtailed at any cost. The visual and structural similarities to the SA of 1930s Germany are striking. The commander of these militant NUP youths, often pictured in black fatigues and commanding rows of disciplined supporters, mirrors Ernst Röhm—leader of Hitler’s Brownshirts. Röhm built the SA not as a civic organization but as a private army to enforce ideological purity and intimidate rivals. Likewise, NUP’s foot soldiers operate with impunity in many areas, asserting dominance through fear and violence, not persuasion or policy. Under Röhm, the SA terrorized opponents, disrupted meetings, and brutalized civilians—all under the false pretense of defending democracy. Uganda’s current experience is alarmingly similar. NUP operatives have been implicated in assaults on market vendors, vandalism, threats against journalists, and violent clashes with law enforcement. Their tactics undermine the very freedoms they claim to fight for. What is even more astonishing is the conduct of some of the Western ambassadors to Uganda, who has openly shown sympathy toward NUP, including its militant wing. For a diplomat from a nation that endured—and eventually defeated—the destructive influence of Röhm’s SA, such actions are not only insensitive but deeply irresponsible. Germany’s past should serve as a warning against legitimizing violent populism abroad, not a license to promote it. Faced with an escalating wave of intimidation and the pleas of Ugandan citizens caught in the crossfire, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba has had to intervene using unconventional yet necessary measures. When formal security mechanisms are overwhelmed or paralyzed by political sensitivities, decisive leadership becomes essential. Gen. Muhoozi’s actions have been aimed at restoring community safety, countering organized political violence, and defending Uganda’s sovereignty against external manipulation and domestic proxies. Let us be clear: criticizing NUP’s violence is not an excuse for state abuse. But failing to confront the foreign-sponsored radicalization of Uganda’s youth under the NUP banner would be a grave error. The solution to authoritarianism cannot be foreign-funded insurrection disguised as democracy. Uganda needs responsible opposition rooted in patriotism—not tools of imperialism wearing revolutionary colors. Röhm’s SA started as “activists” too—until they became the blunt instrument of a fascist state. Uganda must avoid repeating that trajectory. NUP must disavow violence, abandon militarized symbolism, and return to lawful, peaceful political engagement—if it ever was genuinely interested in it. Ugandans have sacrificed too much for their sovereignty to surrender it to either homegrown mobs or foreign puppeteers. History’s lesson is clear: populist violence—once tolerated—does not usher in freedom, only fear.

By Obed Katureebe

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14 June 2025

PFF: BESIGYE, LUKWAGO, MUSUMBA AND SSEMUJJU SETTLING FOR LESS

Kizza Besigye who is squatting in Luzira prison facing treason charges, Erias Lukwago, Proscovia Salaamu Musumba and Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, the ‘new’ political honchos, or rather recycled into another political party, having failed to evict their nemeses from the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), have finally settled for less. They even wanted to grab FDC headquarters, take over its bank accounts and wound it up through a court order but failed on that mission too. They are bad losers who will not publicly admit. Having sounded so ballistic, vowed but miserably failed to evict Patrick Oboi Amuriat, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, and Geoffrey Ekanya, President, Secretary General, and Treasurer General respectively from the shell that FDC is today, over the so-called ‘dirty money’, they begrudgingly opted to found a new political party they have christened, the Peoples’ Front for Freedom (PFF) whose symbol is the button telephone handset. Their collective ingenuity for this telephone as a symbol surely ought to be applauded, only when they are not leading Uganda. Besigye, the political constant in the ever-changing political rollercoaster in what has been a virulent opposition since September 1999, has hit speed bumps as many leaders, lured into his formations abandon ship as fast as they came when discover the ploy. The list is really long, but suffice to mention Amanya Mushega, Mugisha Muntu, David Pulkol, Miria Matembe, Beti Olive Kamya, Prof. Morris Ogenga Latigo, Beatrice Anywar, Anita Among, Thomas Tayebwa, Garuga Musinguzi, Alice Alasu Asianut, Winne Kizza, Ezati Kasiano Wadri, Ronald Reagan Okumu, Abdu Katuntu, and Elija Okupa among others. It is a graveyard of sorts. Many of these, including Maj. John Bashaija Kazzora (RIP), after weighing mainly their interests against Besigye’s leadership persona, decided to cut their loss with some abandoning active politics altogether. Reform Agenda, Forum for Democratic Change, and now Peoples’ Front for Freedom, although keep refreshing its autography, in many ways remains the same, a charade in character. As Shakespeare wrote centuries ago, a rose by any name smells as good, except in this case, it has not been a rose. It is important that we keep telling the country what damage they can visit if our political guards were to be lowered. In business terms, it has been more like a bankrupt or tax dodger who changes the name of his entity each time their lenders or taxman close in. Their collective appetite for bravado, instigate altercations, drama and bedlam for self-indulgence is repolished as political chattels for survival and continuity. Through this, Ssemujju and Lukwago might keep their seats and earnings from a government they so much cleverly despise and portray for bogeyman. But whatever the trickery, PFF and its politicians may not be stillbirth like The Alliance for National Transformation (ANT), but are clearly on life support because they are unlikely to expand that much in the country. Examining the political and social contours of PFF, it is nor far-fetched to see that it is going to squeeze with the errand men and women from the National Unity Platform (NUP), and Mathias Mpuuga’s Democratic Alliance (DA) mainly in Buganda as they seek supremacy along ethnic chauvinism. With NRM still going up, it appears that it is going to attract migration of politicians like Ojara Mapenduzi, Anthony Akol, Twaha Kagabo of every stripe leaving so few for FDC, PFF or even NUP. Of course, in justifying their inabilities to make a deep political imprint countrywide and in the forthcoming elections, Besigye’s political entourage is destined to wholly place blame on NRM, and particularly President Yoweri Museveni and the state machinery rather than their own poor strategy and leadership.

By Ofwono Opondo

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07 June 2025

A SPIRITED NORBERT MAO’S WIN; HOLDING BREATH FOR NRM PRIMARIES

A hollow win, perhaps, but congratulations nevertheless are in order to Norbert Mao for extending his tenure as President General of the Democratic Party (DP). The ever-jocular Mao, also Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs in the NRM government, just won a landslide to retain, or rather continue his controversial leadership of the DP, born in 1954 but still struggling to find its way in Uganda’s politics. Mao’s high political ground has been ebbing slowly for a while now although he doesn’t admit so, which is all fine in the market of free thought, speech and association. Mao’s close allies in DP’s long-running obfuscated internal political disagreements, Mukasa Mbidde and Gerald Siranda also easily retained their seats as vice president, and Secretary General respectively, leaving their main nemesis Lulume Bayiga and MP Buikwe South gnashing teeth. It is still too early to know how deep the political fallout will be, but in any case, DP is now, only a shell nestled, more as a tribal enclave mainly in Buganda. But before it all ended, fist-fights, first at their headquarters hidden on Balintuma road, in Lubaga, Kampala, and later at what passed for DP delegates conference in Mbarara, set the pace, which was rounded up with ballot boxes being snatched away. It has remained unclear if the police that were seen carrying away the ballot boxes were rescuing, or aiding in a possible irregularity. For those untrained in DP history, what has just replayed last week, has been the main trend in DP since its founding seven decades ago. The 1984 Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere’s DP delegates conference, birthed Tiberio Okeny Atwoma’s National Liberal Front that never saw light. Since 1986, DP has had splinter factions named DP Mobilizer’s Group led by Michael Kaggwa, Tap Dialogue of Omulongo Wasswa Zziritwawula, and since 2010 when Mao outwitted Hajji Nasser Ssebbaggala (RIP) in Mbale, DP has been in a free fall. Unsympathetic people on X, formerly Twitter, were left to derisively mock DP, and Mao’s win saying ‘democracy has fled the party’, although I know my friend Mao, will say otherwise. Some in DP and the wider political opposition accuse Mao of being a ‘sale-out’ to the NRM, but more appropriately President Yoweri Museveni for a meal ticket. Mao sees himself as a ‘bridge-builder’ in what he calls a peaceful transition of power from the President to another person in the near future. We, in the NRM laugh off or just sneer at his suggestions that he is the one to change our political course. Meanwhile, the tremors in NRM so far, going by the past one month of elections to renew party leadership from the grassroots, punctuated by shoving, fist-fights and open shouting matches, portend what may happen during the coming primaries to select MP and Local Council 5 (LCV) flag-bearers will be. The upbeat, at collection of nomination forms during this week, and past records, indicate enthusiasm and strong liking for the party which attracts close to five thousand candidates contesting for the 529 parliamentary and 146 district chairperson seats available respectively. Ugandans are holding their collective breath, but it is neither too much, nor too late to ask NRM members, especially the candidates and their principal agents to redeem NRM’s electoral image that has been tattered with every electoral circle. Hopefully too, NRM has this time round, mapped out the usual election trouble spots like Sembabule, Kazo, Namutumba and Tororo districts for easy management. And NRM internal election registrars, perennially either out of incompetence or personal petty greed have accustomed to fiddling with processes and poll results, ought to style up, if the party and its collective membership are to avoid unnecessary embarrassments. Otherwise, let there be a robust and tranquil electoral contest within political parties.

By Ofwono Opondo

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07 June 2025

HOW THE UPC GOVERNMENT UNWITTINGLY RECRUITED FOR MUSEVENI DURING THE BUSH WAR OF 1981-1986

By Obed K Katureebe The year was 1981 when President Yoweri Museveni launched Bush War to oust the rogue regime of then President Milton Obote. This was after a fraudulent general election. Panic engulfed the UPC government and in their imprudent response to this challenge they switched on the red baton of complete self-destruction. Security agencies and some radical UPC minions panicked and responded by unleashing terror on those they suspected to be Museveni supporters. Indeed, this was a shallow and dangerous approach completely devoid of critical thinking on the part of the UPC security actors. They assumed that whoever came from certain parts of Western Uganda were all Museveni supporters/sympathisers. Whereas it is true that most NRA freedom fighters were a byproduct of FRONASA movement which began its recruitment against Id Amin in 1970s and had picked most recruits from Western Uganda, the truth of the matter was that NRM/A Bush War fighters were from all corners of Uganda. The misrule of the Paulo Muwanga and his mentor Milton Obote were felt across the whole country. Therefore, it was completely wrong for the UPC functionaries to randomly victimise and brutalise most people from parts of Western Uganda. Wanton abductions of people and never to be seen again became the norm on unverifiable suspicions. The saddest bit was that all those abducted were either killed or starved to death in the infamous holding centre in Katikamu in Luwero District. Those that were lucky to survive after torture would be asked to pay huge ransoms to be released. Katikamu became a nightmare to families in Central and Western Uganda. The hatchet man in the mid-western Buganda was one Sergeant Shokolo. It became worse when regime operatives began arresting young school going children and disappearing them for ransoms. This later became a form of crude extortion. If they arrested your children and you wanted them not killed you would be told to pay huge ransoms to save them. This left most parents with no other option but to encourage their children especially the youth to find their way to the Bush than being killed for no good reason. Most of them had dropped out of schools for fear of being picked and tortured. The feeling was we would rather join Museveni and fight this phoney government than being killed like grasshoppers. People began to quietly get in touch with those who were recruiting the Bush War fighters and handed them their youthful sons and daughters. Dr Milton Obote and his hatchet men were unwittingly busy recruiting for Yoweri Museveni. In Isingiro District, the infamous roadblock was manned at the current main roundabout in the middle of Isingiro Town. The famous Wavamuno buses that used to ply the Isingiro route would be stopped and ransacked on a daily. Every young woman who risked travelling on that route would be rapped and those that dared to resist would be shot and killed. And why was Isingiro a spot of suspicion and therefore “gifted” with that terrible roadblock….?, simply because Isingiro was hosting two Rwandese Refugee camps i.e Oruchinga and Nakivale and therefore these were seen as Museveni supporters. The wrong assumption again was that all Rwandese speaking people were supporting Museveni just because few Rwandese fighters i.e President Paul Kagame and the late Fred Rwigyema were with Museveni in the Bush War. That naivety of the UPC government made them commit another political and probably intelligence mistake. In 1982, the UPC government led by the radical politicians from Western Uganda i.e Chris Rwakasisi and Edward Rurangaranga took a decision to expel all Rwandan speaking people in Western and Central Uganda from their private lands and forced them into the two refugee camps in Isingiro. This action was intended to economically subjugate them from funding Museveni’s Bush War. Wrong assumption again. This was a crude method of stealing their wealth and sending them into refugee and starve them to death. Indeed, most of them did die of starvation. Their cows were stolen, their property looted, and their chunks of land was redistributed among the UPC gangsters. What was mind boggling, these disposed and displaced people were the indigenous Ugandan Rwandan speaking who have lived in Uganda for over a century now. The killing and looting of the wealth from these Rwandan speaking community became another enormous mistake by the UPC government. The young men and woman especially whose life was now at stake took a unanimous decision of joining the Bush and die fighting the UPC government than dying of starvation or suffer arbitrarily arrests. When UPC radicals were celebrating the looting of cows and redistributing of huge chunks of land that these disposed Rwandan speaking people had lost, they didn’t understand the political mistake they had committed. Any sensible person should have known that land is an emotive possession. One would rather die fighting than losing his/her land through such criminal schemes. Whereas many people joined the Bush War because they had been ideologically mobilised especially by their charismatic leader Yoweri Museveni, there is also another group of people who joined the struggle because they had nothing to live for. When President Yoweri Museveni refers to some leaders as being ideologically bankrupt, exactly this is what he means. As we continue to reconcile and heal as a country, we must learn from our past mistakes. History is very rich to teach us very hard lessons. Happy Heroes Day. The author is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe