Opinions | MINISTRY OF ICT AND NATIONAL GUIDANCE

03 August 2025

THE NRM PRIMARIES PROVED THAT IT IS STILL A POPULAR POLITICAL PARTY WHICH IS HERE TO STAY

Under Uganda’s multiparty system, political parties are expected to hold primary elections to allow their members to choose competent candidates who will then compete against flag bearers from other parties in the general elections. Since 2006, the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) has consistently organized such primaries at both local and national levels, including during the 2011 and 2016 electoral cycles. On July 17, 2025, Uganda took a significant step toward the 2026 general elections as the NRM conducted its primary elections across 72,000 villages in 519 counties, with over 9.2 million registered voters participating by lining up behind candidates or their agents. Although the process was not without flaws, it demonstrated a transparent and grassroots approach to promoting democracy and delivering justice within the party. The lining-up method, introduced in 2020 following approval by the NRM Central Executive Committee (CEC) at a meeting held at State House Entebbe, was adopted to address logistical and organizational challenges experienced during the 2015 primaries—such as delays in the distribution of voting materials and election mismanagement. Ironically, members of the opposition have criticized the lining-up method, yet the NRM remains the only political party in Uganda that has consistently offered its members a democratic platform to elect flag bearers through open primaries. Despite facing logistical hurdles and electoral disputes, the mere successful completion of this large-scale process is noteworthy and commendable. Over the years, NRM primaries have showcased the party's unique ability to register, mobilize, and engage its members across the country. The recent primaries reflected a level of organization and energy that gave the impression that Uganda's general elections were already underway. This further affirmed NRM’s position as a dominant political force in Uganda and across Africa. As the father of Uganda’s democracy, seasoned leader, Chairperson of the NRM, and President of the Republic of Uganda, His Excellency Yoweri Kaguta Museveni Ssabalwanyi Ssemalungu has offered critical feedback and guidance following the primaries. In line with his commitment to fairness, he established an NRM election tribunal to handle grievances and resolve disputes arising from the elections—a significant step toward preserving internal democracy. In contrast, many opposition parties remain unwilling or unable to learn from the NRM’s experience. They continue to struggle even with organizing basic internal elections at the village level. Parties like the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Democratic Party (DP), National Unity Platform (NUP), JEEMA, and others still lack the internal structures necessary to entrench democratic norms within their ranks. How can these parties claim to champion democracy nationally when they fail to uphold it within their own operations? Simply awarding a party card to someone in place of a transparent electoral process is inherently undemocratic. It is especially disappointing that NUP leaders, despite consistent media complaints about NRM’s political conduct, have failed to practice the very democracy they demand. Their internal processes lack credibility. Decisions made by a small group of individuals meeting behind closed doors in Kavule, Magere, or Kamwokya cannot reasonably be viewed as legitimate or representative. Primaries are essential to democratic development—they provide political representation, encourage participation, and ensure accountability. NUP’s vague approach to leadership selection resembles a nomination-by-committee, not a true electoral process. Reports that party cards have allegedly been sold to the highest bidder at critical moments raise serious concerns about the party’s commitment to democratic values. Such practices are unacceptable in a modern democracy. Can the Bobi Wine–Chemutai–Fred Nyanzi commission credibly claim to represent the people when they bypass the very electorate whose mandate they seek? Should Bobi Wine and his team ever assume national leadership, one might fear that their first course of action would be to dismantle Article 59 of Uganda’s Constitution, which guarantees the right to vote to all citizens aged 18 and above. In contrast, the NRM continues to uphold this constitutional right, enabling members to freely vote for their preferred candidates in open primaries. Meanwhile, NUP’s closed-door committee decisions exclude the broader membership from meaningful participation. Consider the case of Johnmary Ssebuwufu, who is both contesting for LC5 Nakawa West and serving on the NUP vetting committee. In a transparent system, someone in this dual position could help model integrity and fairness. However, in a closed and opaque process, even capable leaders like him cannot effectively foster internal democracy. In conclusion, party primaries are the foundation of democratic governance. The NRM, through its imperfections, continues to demonstrate a functioning model of internal democracy that should serve as an example. Uganda needs political parties that not only preach democracy but also practice it—openly, fairly, and consistently.

By David Serumaga

02 August 2025

PARTY POLITICS, THE NRM ELECTION TRIBUNAL, AND THE LOSERS’ BARGAIN

The National Resistance Movement (NRM), expected to lead Uganda toward political redemption, has instead become a source of disappointment with its recently concluded chaotic primary elections. The fallout has left many Ugandans disillusioned—so much so that even the discredited Uganda People's Congress (UPC) finds itself laughing from the sidelines. James Akena, who inherited UPC leadership from his mother, Miria Kalule Obote, remains embroiled in a long-standing political and legal tug-of-war. Yet, he recently convened another questionable ‘delegates’ conference’ to extend his mandate, underscoring the dysfunction in Uganda’s broader political landscape. Even more ironic is Democratic Party (DP) leader and current Justice Minister, Norbert Mao, who just weeks ago had to be rescued by police during a chaotic DP delegates’ conference in Mbarara. Now, he has taken to offering unsolicited advice to the NRM on how to conduct elections. Mao's contested grip on DP since 2015 has yielded little, prompting many party stalwarts to abandon ship. Like FDC, ANT, and PFF, the DP now appears as an empty vessel adrift and in need of rescue. By all accounts—voter bribery, intimidation, results manipulation, and violence—the NRM primaries played out exactly as predicted. What should have served as a wake-up call for preventive action instead fueled further impunity and chaos. Currently, the NRM election disputes tribunal and reconciliation committees are working overtime to resolve disputes—a process many now regard as the "losers’ bargain." Whether these efforts succeed remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that the party now teeters on the edge, overwhelmed by public discontent, internal blame games, and a severe lack of accountability from those who blatantly violated party rules and basic democratic principles. Since the return of multiparty politics in 2005, indiscipline within the NRM has steadily worsened. The rot became evident when disgruntled candidates—including ministers such as then-State Minister for Higher Education Simon Mayende—refused to concede defeat, citing frivolous reasons. Their actions forced President Yoweri Museveni to famously respond, quoting scripture: “In my father’s house are many rooms.” This biblical reassurance was interpreted literally, birthing a dangerous precedent—where election losers expected reward and rehabilitation instead of introspection and reform. Today, Uganda is reaping the bitter fruits of that political compromise. Many such "losers" have transformed into extortionists, creating a culture of entitlement, resentment, and blackmail. NRM members who have gained significantly from Museveni’s political generosity should not be allowed to flout the rules and act with impunity. Worse still, some of the very architects of the electoral malpractice now play the victim, crying foul before tribunal hearings. Ironically, they have made Fred Tanga Odoi, Chairperson of the NRM Electoral Commission, the scapegoat—even for minor irregularities at village polling stations. But after two decades and multiple reshuffles of the electoral commission, it's evident that the problem is systemic, not individual. To avoid comparisons with Obote's UPC or Idi Amin's regime, and to honor the legacy of its founders and fallen heroes buried in Luwero Triangle, the NRM must undertake a serious self-examination. The party cannot continue down a path of political decay and expect Ugandans to passively watch. It should raise serious concern when young NRM supporters in rural areas, disillusioned by violent and corrupt party elections, begin to openly declare their intent to join opposition groups like the National Unity Platform (NUP) if their grievances remain unaddressed. The hundreds of election officials currently facing prosecution must, if convicted, be permanently barred from handling any future election-related duties. They should also be dismissed from the party to send a clear message of deterrence. The NRM cannot afford to normalize malpractice. After 20 years of multiparty democracy and regular internal elections, if NRM members still fail to grasp the importance of fair competition, the party risks losing its legitimacy to govern. Leadership must be earned—not imposed, bought, or manipulated.

By Ofwono Opondo

29 July 2025

INCUMBENTS LOST PRIMARIES BECAUSE THEY LOST TOUCH WITH THE PEOPLE

On the 17th July 2025, the ruling party in Uganda, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) conducted its much-anticipated party primaries to select flagbearers across the country. Surprisingly in some constituencies the voters lining up behind candidates or their portraits were even as young as 6 to 9 years old! One of the reasons the voters voted for some incumbents was that they keep in constant touch with them, even after being elected MPs in the 11th Parliament; incumbents that understand their basic concerns and who identify with them in their broad societal struggles, such as lack of water and education. A case in point is victor-incumbent Gerald Nangoli, MP Elgon North, who explained his victory in an NTV news interview on 21stJune, 2025, “You may not be doing your role as a Member of Parliament, but show your love to your people, and this is what has attributed to my rate of 85%, because I am with my people.” In addition, in Kamuli District, incumbent Ms. Rebecca Kadaga defeated her rivals, polling 104,771 votes. Even when she has notably had a long spanning political career, Kadaga obviously remains a favourite among her voters and this can be attributed to her commitment to tackle social challenges like education and domestic violence; for instance, she established the Kamuli Girls Education Trust Fund, which has played a key role in supporting education in Kamuli, as a form of empowerment. In a UBC news interview on 8th March, 2025 Kadaga said she has educated over ten thousand children! While some of the incumbents that lost during the NRM Primaries blame the NRM Electoral Commission (EC) for their defeat in their petitions to the NRM Elections Disputes Tribunal, with allegations like: alteration of results, bribery, tampering with registers, conduct of registrars and interference of candidates, among others, the Party EC chairperson, Tanga Odoi, on 22nd July, 2025, dissented saying, “The voters voted you for the five years; and I warned you, if you sleep in Parliament and not go back to them; they’re waiting for you! Now they have waited for them; and some of them have been thrown out.” The large number of fresh faces delivered from these NRM primaries can only further prove how free and fair the elections were because how else would an incumbent office holder, who hardly reaches his electorate’s expectations, be unseated? The wave of politics in Uganda has gradually changed over time and every new day people expect better from the people they entrust to lead them; they want change when their expectations are not met halfway! A new leader brings fresh ideas, a different touch to service delivery and knows better than to neglect issues that led to the unseating of their predecessor. Another reason why incumbents were ejected from office, is because the new political aspirants, who were seeking to unseat them had all the time to interact with the constituents while the incumbents were tied up in their Kampala offices, hence they lost touch with the electorate. This shows how important personal touch is for a sitting MP, to interact with his or her voters face to face, because this gives them an opportunity to air out their grievances directly to their MP. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that among the countless victories for new candidates, is one in Kiboga West Constituency, where a 28 year-old former teacher, Eria Erick Lule who trounced his opponent, the incumbent Abdul Ssetumba Mutumba with 6,738 votes against his (Mutumba’s) of 6,628 votes in the NRM primaries. Finally, staying in touch with the people that elect leaders into office should be as important to them, as much as their political tenure is. The writer is a Journalism and Mass Communication student at St. Lawrence University

By David Balilete

28 July 2025

UGANDA’S POLITICAL ACTORS UNWITTINGLY INVITING THE MILITARY INTO THEIR GAME

Uganda is in the thick of an election circle. The ruling party the National Resistance Movement (NRM) is conducting their primaries for the various offices to elect members that will carry their flag in the 2026 general elections. The incidences of electoral malpractices plus some cases of violence notwithstanding, the exercise is going well. The NRM Secretariat has set up a tribunal to manage the emerging grievances by those who feel they lost unfairly. The adoption of multi-party democracy in Uganda in the late 1990s brought about the logic of periodic renewal of government leadership (at local, district and national levels) through general elections. In this regard, two important observations need to be made to grasp the context of the emergence of liberal democracy in many African countries including Uganda. One of the consequences of this situation has been the commercialization of our electoral contests. For one to appeal to the voters and be voted for, you must have financial security on top of perfectly articulating what you intend to offer once voted into office. This has become a heavy investment and therefore the resort to violence by both political leaders and ordinary citizens as a medium of political engagement and interaction is inevitable. This therefore becomes a zero-sum game in which loss amounts not only to political exclusion but to marginalisation from the socio-economic benefits expected to accrue to those in charge of the political system. Like most African developing countries, multiparty democracy is still young and not fully understood by the stakeholders. As a result, political players are yet to pray by the rule book. Yes, we have the constitution, the electoral laws designed by the Electoral Commission, the penal code and other regulatory measures but still we ignore them and go by the ‘rule of the jungle’ to attain the ultimate prize i.e electoral victory. This exactly explains the current challenges being experienced as political parties conduct their primaries. This therefore makes it difficult for security agencies especially the UPDF to stay in their barracks when clearly the threats are way beyond what the Uganda Police Force can offer. In this regard, special commendations go to the police and other security agencies who were able to tame the levels of violence, especially on the 17th of July 2025 when the voting day took place. The management of the whole exercise by joint security was perfect otherwise hundreds of lives were going to be lost. The Uganda Police Force (UPF) currently has approximately 53,000 officers. The police-to-population ratio is now at 1 to 812 Ugandans. This is still insufficient for the whole country during elections. Remember, not all the 53.000 personnel are into operation. A good number are in general administration, investigations, international duties and guard duties as well. Therefore, it gets sad to hear some people, especially from civil society organisations contending so fervently that the UPDF should not involve themselves in providing security in this highly charged electoral atmosphere. Why should we lose many lives and property before calling on other security agencies to come and control the situation. Imagine what would have happened in places like Kasambya, Isingiro, Lwemiyaga, Rubanda, Rwampara, Lwengo, Namutumba, Kiboga and others in the just ended NRM parliamentary primaries if UPDF had not reinforced the Uganda Police Force. In the 2007/8 Kenya General Elections, 1,200 people were killed in the election violence and as many as 350,000 people displaced. Farm production was disrupted and lots of property was destroyed. So was transport and tourism and this resulted in a sharp economic downturn. For this mayhem to end, the Kenyan government had to bring in the military to control the situation that had literally gone out of hand. Joint deployment makes no harm for purposes of proactive engagements that curtail any dangerous catastrophes in such election season. If the UPDF deployments are not anywhere near the polling station and they are told clearly not to involve themselves in electoral management because clearly is the work of the Electoral Commission and helped by the Uganda Police Force. Therefore, their presence does no harm to our democracy. We must also realize that as a developing country, we are still lacking certain capabilities to manage our electoral processes. We don’t have advanced biometric voting systems. In some countries voting is done at home and there is no need for people to line up in the various voting centers. People vote weeks before the set date. Campaigns are conducted online using multimedia platforms. These advanced biometric systems help in curbing electoral malpractices that quite often attract dissatisfaction leading to violence. Therefore, in the absence of such advanced technological capacities, not enough police personnel to police every corner of this country during elections, it is imperative that all our joint security systems are activated to provide security during elections to minimize violence, death, loss of property and other electoral malpractices. After all their counter deployments are always intelligence led. The writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

28 July 2025

THE NRM TRIBUNAL WILL RESOLVE ALL ELECTORAL PETITIONS

On Thursday, July 17, 2025 the National Resistance Movement (NRM) exercised the NRM party primaries across the whole country and I am personally very happy that the candidates I supported that is to say Hon. Wilson Kajwengye and Hon. Ruth Rujoki Mushabe in Kiruhura District won the primaries and emerged as their party’s flagbearers. The incumbent District Member of Parliament Hon. Jovanice Rwenduru, who lost to Hon Ruth Rujoki; and Mr. Jotham Taremwa, who lost to the incumbent Nyabushozi Constituency Member of Parliament Hon. Wilson Kajwengye; have filed petitions to the NRM Tribunal claiming that the entire process was not free and fair. In other districts, some other aggrieved candidates, who lost in the primaries have filed petitions at the NRM Electoral Commission office because they are contesting the results for various reasons: voter bribery, voter intimidation, electoral violence, altering results, tampering with the registers, goon-hiring, and in some instances the registrar announced two candidates as winners, for example, in Hoima District. Other grievances include constituencies where poll results were inconclusive or annulled, among others. The NRM Tribunal’s response to these petitions will be crucial. These petitions are being received by the Chairperson of the NRM Electoral Tribunal, Mr. John Musiime, who was appointed by President Yoweri Museveni on Thursday, July 21, 2025. The tribunal, which has registered 381 petitions so far, will start the hearing on Tuesday, July 29, 2025 and the NRM Tribunal will decide petitions in 35 days. A contact from the NRM Secretariat informed me that the 29-member tribunal, which is tasked to resolve all party primary disputes and complaints by different candidates across the country, is full of lawyers who will be non-partisan. However, an aggrieved candidate is free to be accompanied by their own lawyer if he or she wishes to do; nevertheless, if the candidate was on ground and saw what was taking place during the primaries they themselves can testify without their own lawyer present. This being the first time that the NRM party has constituted a tribunal, this surge of petitions shows the candidates’ confidence in the judicial process, especially since the aggrieved candidates will have the opportunity to a fair hearing, which was not the case during the highly charged emotional primaries. I commend those who have filed their petitions, because it is a more civilized way to resolve issues rather than resorting to electoral violence. President Museveni’s letter, posted on his X account on July 20, 2025 stated, ‘We are going to prosecute these mistake makers, the easiest to start with are those who altered results.’ The tribunal will help the NRM party to maintain its credibility. As a mass party (NRM has over 300 MPs in the 11th Parliament) it is natural that grievances will arise. Some other MPs, who have lost and already publically declared that they would come back as independents have been advised that they should at least first take their grievances to the tribunal, for example, Emmanuel Ddombo, the Director of Information, Publicity and Spokesperson NRM Party on NTV on Sunday said, “We have an electoral tribunal, why would someone think of coming as an independent even before coming to the tribunal to contest the elections? Let’s do first things first!” Proverbs 21:15 says, ‘When justice is done, it is a joy to the righteous but terror to evildoers.’ I hope that the NRM tribunal will deliver rulings to the satisfaction of the aggrieved candidates, because some candidates have already publically stated in the media that they are ready to go independent (going against the party position) if they feel justice is not served! However, in the spirit of unity and progress, and for the sake of party cohesion, I urge all the candidates who lost in the NRM party primaries, who have submitted petitions, to respect the judgment of the NRM Electoral Tribunal and not go rogue by standing as an independent candidate, as this will be seen as an act of insubordination. Let the law take its course! The writer is a Third Year Public Relations Student at Makerere University

BY NORMAN KAMBEHO

28 July 2025

I HAD A BLAST AT UGANDAS CHAN 2024 LAUNCH!

Today Friday, 25th July, 2025 I attended the launch of CHAN 2024 at Kololo Ceremonial Grounds. The special guest of honor was H.E. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the President of the Republic of Uganda, accompanied by the Minister of Education and Sports, the First Lady Janet Museveni. There were many more government officials who were present, such as the President of Federation of Uganda Football Associations (FUFA), Engineer Moses Magogo, H.E. Veronica M. Nduva, Secretary General of the East African Community (EAC); the Ambassador of Ethiopia, H.E. Binalf Andualem Ashenef, Ambassador of Kenya, H.E. Joash Maangi and many more. When we (I went with David Serumaga and David Balilete) arrived at Kololo at 1pm, from Uganda Media Centre, we were served lunch. It was a sunny day. I was seated in the tent opposite President Museveni’s tent; when he arrived around 2:20pm that was the moment everyone was waiting for! Everyone was excited, they stood to their feet and began recording videos of him on their smartphones. The entertainment also boosted people’s mood. Levixone, a Ugandan gospel singer; Jose Chameleon, skaters and cultural dancers provided entertainment on a circular stage. In her speech, Janet Museveni said, “Our co-hosting CHAN-2024 is a testament of God’s goodness, to announce to all who see and hear, that He has His timing and His time has come. This is the season to confirm to all of us that indeed we have recovered from the past. Just like He said in the Bible, when His time to free the children of Israel from slavery came, He said He remembered them and nothing could stop their exodus to the promised land.” Since Uganda is co-hosting the CHAN-2024 tournament alongside Kenya and Tanzania, I am filled with overwhelming national pride. This moment was not just about football; it was about how far we have come as the East African Community. Here we are, not just as participants but as hosts, standing tall beside our East African brothers and sisters under the banner of PAMOJA—a Swahili word meaning togetherness or unity. If I can take you back past the years of conflict, instability this tournament is nothing short of a miracle. There was a time when the idea of Uganda hosting a continental football event would have been dismissed as a distant dream. Our sports stadiums lay in disrepair and were falling apart. But now we have Namboole Stadium, which will be the venue of a CHAN 24 football match between Uganda and Algeria on Monday, 4th August, 2025. Sports, especially football, has always been more than just a game for some of us. President Museveni mentioned four stages of sports at the event. “There are four major stages of football; that is stamina and determination, teamwork, skills and health. Football provides entertainment and builds faith for the country. Football is the heartbeat of our communities.” In villages, towns and schools, you’ll find kids kicking makeshift balls, dreaming of becoming the next Onyango. CHAN 2024 gives them hope as future players, coaches and sports leaders. The fact that Algeria, Niger, Guinea and South Africa will play on Ugandan soil is a testament to the faith the continent has placed in us. President Museveni was dressed in a beige safari hat, an oversized white shirt, a pair of black trousers and black shoes juggled a yellow football on his knees. Then he pressed the buzzer on the podium to officially launch CHAN 2024. I want to appreciate the government’s investment in upgrading our sports infrastructure. It is commendable, but the victory lies in the long term legacy. These stadiums: Muteesa II Stadium Wankulukuku, and Kyambogo Sports Grounds will nurture future generations of talent, inspire young athletes who will serve as national treasures, showing what we can achieve when we work together. But still some people ask, “Why spend so much on sports when we have other challenges?” But most people know football isn’t just a game. It’s job for vendors, provides opportunities for music artists, unity for divided communities and a reason for Ugandans to be proud. When the whole nation gathers to cheer, even for one moment, we forget our differences and become one. In conclusion, I would like to thank the government, Confederation of African Football and the local organizing committee for organizing this event. A Third Year Student at Cavendish University Uganda

By Fortunate Akankunda

26 July 2025

RUNNING FOR MP OLDER PERSONS: THE CHOICES CURRENTLY AVAILABLE

Almost four decades ago, February 1989, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) interim government promulgated an election Statute to expand its legislature, then called National Resistance Council (NRC) to include thirty-nine district woman special representatives for the first time in Uganda’s history. These joined two women, Oliva Zzizinga and Gurtrude Nanyunja Njuba who had come from the bush as military fighters. Later, in 1991, five regional youth representatives were added. By 1994, workers and persons with Disabilities (PWDs) were as we entered the Constituent Assembly (CA) that debated and promulgated the 1995 Constitution. These special seats were entrenched in the constitution and other laws as safeguards for continuous strong, bold, loud, and consistent meaningful advocacy, lobbying and forward planning for these previously marginalized groups. Today, those modest political and electoral reforms, have engendered seismic results, producing two females vice presidents, two parliament speakers, two deputy chief justices, three Heads of Public Service, a female Secretary General of a ruling, and opposition parties, and hosts of female Judges, Permanent Secretaries, heads of government constitutional bodies, and senior security officers. The vice presidents and speakers have been Dr Speciosa Naigaga Wandira Kazibwe, Jessica Epel Alupo, Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga and Annet Anita Among in that order, all relatively young when in those offices. And their representation has enabled many young women and girls, imagine, exude and attain their great ambitions and potentials. In the runup to the return of multiparty democracy, NRM replicated special representations of marginal groups and introduced Older persons, veterans and historical’s leagues. A decade ago, NRM asked parliament to enact a law for Older Persons representation in parliament. Unfortunately, not many took keen interest, and the results so far, are not impressive, in fact, as silent as a graveyard. All the current MPs for older persons are of advanced age, who take these seats for personal welfare, and have been unable to raise voice, strong advocacy and planning for their constituency. The point at which older persons stand today in Uganda, as an increasingly extreme minority, they need loud, bold, vigorous and consistent voices as those of Janet Museveni, Speciosa Kazibwe, Kadaga, Janat Mukwaya, and Miria Matembe, among others that brought women protection and emancipation issues to the fore. Am seeking this MP seat to bring a bold, loud, courageous, consistent and credible voice to issues of older persons in Uganda. And as well, as a long-standing NRM ideologue, I seek to strengthen NRM voice in the caucus, parliament committees and floor, tussling it out with our competitors. My three and a half decades in NRM and government corridors, media and other platforms beyond Uganda’s borders provide me with multiple leverages to mount realistic advocacy, lobbying and planning for the concerns of older persons, and Ugandans generally. The young people, of 30-55 years, currently constituting the overwhelming majority in decision, policy and legislative-making bodies of government need to know that they are coming to the aging side of life, and should conduct fore-planning because their own time is surely approaching. They ought to support policies and procedures that make old-age life productive, rewarding, comfortable, and dignified, not in destitution. Apart from providing meaningful regular stipends for the most vulnerable elders, the government ought to consider regular health checks, subsidized or comprehensive medication for the most common sickness like high blood pressure, diabetes, ulcers and cancer screening. Once this is done, old persons can then be advised on change of diets and healthy lifestyles to adopt. Having paid taxes, and supported their government and country, it is only fair that the government should in turn support older persons during their hour of need and vulnerability, and not abdicate to the NGOs, and children of these elderly, many of whom are in their own distress.

By Ofwono Opondo

19 July 2025

WINNERS AND LOSERS: NRM SHOULD TRIUMPH IN THE GENERAL ELECTIONS

By the time you read this article, the massive fallouts from the just concluded primaries to select NRM parliamentary flag-bearers would still be unravelling across the country. Bitter and sour tastes will be hard to swallow, while the winners will be smiling gleefully. Just imagine the ever-disruptive Theodore Ssekikubo, having to compromise with a bullish Rtd. Brig. Emmanuel Rwashande, no matter who’s given the flag in Lwemiyaga. Clearly still on the front foot, but NRM, previously hailed as a “clear-headed” organisation, has slowly left its politics, and elections to increasingly become extortionist, with voters demanding their piece of the pie to be given instantly before the voting. Looking how petty some of the demands are, it is truly becoming difficult to distinguish the leaders from ordinary membership and voters. MPs having turned parliamentary seats into mere personal welfare, voters ask for cash and goodies without the bother for effective representation for the general good. A raucous campaign, mingled in out-right lying against each other, colossal personal financial spending, tearing down posters, stone-pelting, burning down vehicles of rivals, and even causing deaths in some instances, and paying voters on the que to vote on polling day, give sour taste to NRM election politics. The campaigns and voting, which should otherwise be cordial to entrench and consolidate democracy has turned into an aggressive war battlefield. In other instances, the NRM voters’ registers have been deliberately bloated with mischief to compromise the integrity of the election outcome. For the electoral college voting, of youth, older persons, workers, and PWD MPs, candidates are actively plotting to hide voters from the reach of rivals. From past experiences in all the elections, many losers have found the loss too personal to gracefully accept the outcome and remained dejected, often choosing to run as ‘independents’, and with many winning the main election, which absolved them. But usually, they will curtail, and sign a memorandum to work with the NRM in parliament. But as NRM members agonize about the bruising outcome, they ought to know that an even tougher general election awaits us in January 2026, and therefore, we must prepare better to deliver a convincing outcome. For the NRM presidential candidate, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, we should strive to deliver a knock-out punch, as a starting point, by reclaiming Busoga and Buganda regions he lost in 2021. While opposition parties, NUP. FDC, DP, UPC, PFF, and whatever club may come up towards the elections, may only be masqueraders, NRM leaders ought to know, that we are fast losing touch on multiple fronts with Ugandans generally, voters in particular, especially elite urbanites, and young people. With every city, municipality, towns and even trading centres, NRM has built, electoral support has declined on account of failing to meet public expectations raised. The rising media expansion, digital, mobile and social media, freedom, and citizen journalism have created an activist public that demands effective and proper full accountability on every issue, not laxity and lackluster political leadership. By our collective lethargy in government service delivery, caused by corruption, NRM has generated anger that its politicians are not listening as they ought to do. NRM is talking too much to itself. In fact, many in the public now believe that NRM has lived past its sell value, or stayed beyond its welcome. And that hostility is finding home in shoddy groups like NUP, clearly without any credible national transformational agenda, yet somehow continue to gather pace among the young people. All of this on the backdrop that NRM is doing so little to roll back some blatant lies, and fabrications being peddled by its detractors that speak to public frustrations, and now amplified on social media. All election politics is local, NRM must focus more on local voter concerns.

By Ofwono Opondo

17 July 2025

MUSEVEN BAILOUTS TO STRESSED BUSINESSES; A WISE STRATEGY OR..

The recent directive by President Yoweri Museveni instructing the Prime Minister, Robinah Nabbanja to bail-out the Aponye business empire had many Ugandans shout in negative. Their argument is that, why should the president bail-out private businesses be usingtaxpayers’ money when this should personal liabilities. The Aponye businesses are in agro-processing,transport and logistics, andreal estate. The Aponye Group were formerly owned by a renown businessmanAppoloNyegamahe whodied in July 2023 in a road accident. This death of Nyagamahe could be partly the reason the AponyeGroup is financially stressed but this might not be the only reason. Like most businesses around the world, the COVID 19 pandemic of 2020-2023disrupted most businesses, and they suffered revenue loss of unquantified margins. A bailout happens when a business, an individual, or a government provides money andor resources (also known as a capital injection) to a failing company. These actions help to prevent the consequences of that business's potential downfall which may include bankruptcy and default on its financial obligations. This provides for new capital injection in form of loans, stock or even cash to the struggling business. This is largely to prevent the collapse of the struggling business for it to regain ground and survive liquidation. Bailouts are typically only for companies or industries whose bankruptcies may have a severe adverse impact on the economy, not just a particular market sector President Museveni for some time now has been bailing out struggling businessesfor them not to go under. Some of the bailed-out businesses include but not limited to the following, ROKO Construction Company,Igongo Hotel, Abubaker Technical Services, Atiak Sugar Factory, DEI- Pharmaceuticals, etc. The bailouts are usually in form government buying shares in those struggling companies through Uganda Development Corporation.As a result, those businesses have survivedliquidation and are up and running and slowly becoming profitable again. President Museveniis a champion of the private sector led economy. In his view and correctly so, a thriving private sector grows the economy, increases the tax base, brings on board innovations and creates the much-neededjobs for our citizens. Therefore, allowing a business to fail can have significant consequences, both for the businessitself and for the wider economy. If a company fails, it will leadto significant job losses, which can have ripple effects throughout the economy. There will be unemployment which will lead to reduced consumer spending, decreased tax revenue, and a higher burden on social safety net programs. When a large company fails, it can cause economic instability, particularly if it has significant ties to other companies or industries. This can lead to a domino effect, with other companies failing and causing even more economic damage. Equally so, allowing a company to fail can erode investor confidence and lead to a wider loss of trust in the financial system and stock market at large. This can make it more difficult for other companies to raise capital, potentially leading to a downward spiral in the economy. President Museveni approach of bailing out struggling business is not a new economic approach, in the 1970s Japan was having economic challenges stemming from both external shocks and internal pressures. The decade saw the end of rapid growth, rising inflation, and the impact of two oil crises, forcing Japan to adapt its economic policies and industrial structure. This made businesses to either stagnate or collapse. The Japanese government employed a multi-pronged approach to bail out ailing companies, primarily focused on financial institutions and large corporations. This involved capital injections, loan guarantees, and government-backed special purpose vehicles to restructure debt and operations. During his presidency, Barack Obama oversaw bailouts of the auto industry and continued the banking bailout that was initiated by the previous administration. The auto industry rescue involved Chrysler and General Motors, while the banking bailout included financial institutions like Lehman Brothers and AIG. Additionally, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA), a stimulus package, was enacted to further support the economy. Many companies that received government money, including General Motors, Citigroup and JP Morgan Chase, were struggling to stay afloat before receiving government assistance. Therefore, President Museveni is right to bailout stressed businesses. The debate should instead shift to how the bailed businesses should be managed such that there is no abuse of the injected capital. Yes, UDB is managing this partnership, but it requires more strong legislation to curtail any other form of likely abuse. We have businesses that were bailed outin similar manner and rebounded strongly. The Basajjabalaba Group is one case study. The Kampala International University with its teaching hospital in the Bushenyi campus are true testimony of the benefits Uganda enjoys from this investment. The jobs, the social services and above all the taxes from this investment are massive. The writer is the Acting Executive Director Uganda Media Centre

By Obed Katureebe

14 July 2025

KAYUNGA-BBALE-GALIRAYA ROAD A GATEWAY TO OPPORTUNITY

Kayunga, Uganda | July 11, 2025 — President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, accompanied by First Lady Janet Museveni, today officially flagged off construction works for the Kayunga–Bbaale–Galiraya Road Project, an 87-kilometre corridor that is expected to transform connectivity between Central and Northern Uganda. Currently a gravel road, the Kayunga–Bbaale–Galiraya route is the only direct link between Kayunga town and Galiraya on the shores of Lake Kyoga. The upgrade to bituminous standard is a long-anticipated infrastructure project aimed at enhancing regional trade, reducing travel time, and improving agricultural and fisheries value chains across the country. “This is very strategic. It’s very good economically and in terms of shortening travel time. So I’m very happy that finally, we are going to build this road,” President Museveni remarked, highlighting the project's significance. The upgraded road will serve as a strategic gateway connecting Central Uganda to the Northern and Northeastern regions via ferry across Lake Kyoga, drastically cutting travel time and easing the movement of goods and services. Minister of Works and Transport, Gen. Katumba Wamala explained that the new road will reduce the journey from Lango to Kampala by up to six hours. Once a ferry crossing at Kawongo is in place, the trip could take less than four hours, significantly boosting trade efficiency. Gen. Katumba noted that in addition to the main corridor, the construction will include a ferry and two kilometers of tarmacked access roads in key trading centers. The civil works will be executed by China Road and Bridge Corporation (CRBC) for UGX 213.9 billion, with CRBC pre-financing the entire construction over 24 months. The Government of Uganda will begin payments only after completion, a financing innovation praised by both Ugandan and Chinese officials. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni praised the Chinese company undertaking the road project, describing them as strategic partners who understand the potential of Uganda’s growing market. He noted that companies offering practical solutions and building trust with government leadership stand to gain significantly. Museveni explained that while payments may be deferred for now, Uganda’s soon-to-be-realized oil revenues will provide the government with the capacity to pay contractors in cash, eliminating the need for pre-financing. Chinese Ambassador Zhang Lizhong echoed this optimism, quoting a Chinese proverb: “To be rich, build roads first.” He emphasized that infrastructure remains at the core of Uganda-China relations and revealed that Uganda’s exports to China had surged by 93% in the first quarter of 2025, thanks to the successful implementation of new trade protocols on dried chili and wild fish products. The President also commended residents for their support and understanding, especially those who offered their land without compensation, an act he described as exemplary. “You have said, ‘Bring us the road. We are not going to charge you for this piece of land.’ This is very clever. I don’t know why other people cannot learn that magezi,” Museveni noted. This gesture by the local community is expected to expedite construction and save the government over UGX 76 billion in potential compensation costs - one of the major reasons why similar projects often face delays. The road construction initiative fulfills a longstanding commitment by H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the President, and is in line with the Government’s broader infrastructure development agenda.

By David Muwonge

14 July 2025

KAYUNGA-BBALE-GALIRAYA ROAD A GATEWAY TO OPPORTUNITY

By David Muwonge

09 July 2025

UGANDA'S POLITICAL PARTY PRIMARIES; A MARKET PLACE FOR POWER

We are in a period when political parties in Uganda are carrying out internal party elections to determine the candidates they will send into the general elections. The political temperature is high for both the candidates and their supporters, as reported in the media. My observations of the happenings in different parties have left me questioning the relevance of primaries given these media reports. Recently in Uganda, political offices seem like a do-or-die situation where one will do anything to secure a party ticket or office. This leaves one wondering where the love for the people stems from, given that candidates peg their manifestos on what they will do for the people. Is that why they put everything they have worked for, including their integrity, at stake? We have heard some political parties being accused of selling their tickets, while others are heavily run by political power brokers who determine who represents the party, disregarding capabilities. Meaning it is no longer about who is the most suitable representative of the people but who has the most money and who appeases the power brokers. Political party primaries have increasingly turned into a marketplace, a space where money and connections matter more than values and ideas. This could be one of the reasons some people choose to stay away from participating in politics by offering themselves for office or even coming out to vote. The candidates are forced to appease political power brokers who hold influence within parties or communities and act as gatekeepers to political positions. Some are party leaders, local council officials, or even wealthy businesspeople. These power brokers promise to "deliver votes" to candidates in exchange for money or favors. Some of these brokers even rig results at polling stations or manipulate party registers to favor their preferred candidates. During primaries, it is common to see candidates dishing out money, sugar, soap, T-shirts, and even alcohol to voters in exchange for votes. Many voters take the chance to take whatever they can because they believe once the candidate is voted in, they are going to eat and will never return. In some areas, people openly say, "We will eat their money and vote for them," while others take the bribes and actually vote for the highest bidder. This means the candidate who spends the most often ends up winning, not the one with the best vision or leadership skills. The common result is capable leaders are sidelined, and corrupt, unqualified individuals make it to the ballot paper. When such people get into power, they will concentrate on recovering the money they spent during the primary elections and campaigns. Then the very voters will be left crying about being neglected by the leaders they voted to represent them, and this goes on every election period. Political party primaries are more than just internal party processes. They set the tone for the general elections. Choosing a strong, capable, and clean candidate during political party primaries gives the voters a better choice of candidate in the main election. This is the reason why things cannot continue the way they are. When main players like the National Resistance Movement (NRM), the National Unity Platform (NUP), and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) poorly manage their internal primaries, the impact is felt nationally. If these parties cannot be trusted to conduct fair internal elections, how can we expect them to champion democracy at the national level? Political party primaries are an opportunity for parties to put their best foot forward by choosing candidates who will not only appease the small section of their party diehards but will appeal to other parties and the general population. Party primaries should give the country a chance to choose leaders who will drive the development and well-being of the people in the general election. With the way things are going, are political party primary elections strengthening the political system or causing internal party strife and weakening party structures by putting focus on individual candidates rather than party manifestos? The electoral commission and political parties should enforce strict laws on dealing with voter bribery, and party leaders should allow their members to choose their leaders freely without the interference of power brokers. Carolyne Muyama Uganda Media Centre

By Carolyne Muyama

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